Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero
Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero Yale University Press NEW HAVEN & 9 780300"089028 - Sito Mistero
76 ~ TALIBANTaliban launched an offensive from three directions on Bamiyan, whichfell on 13 September 1998 after some Hazara commanders surrendered tothe Taliban. Karim Khalili and other Wahadat leaders, together withmuch of the population of the town, took to the hilb as the first Talibantroops entered. This time, due to repeated international appeals to respecthuman rights, Mullah Omar ordered his troops to restrain themselvesagainst Hazara civilians. Nevertheless killings did take place in Bamiyana few weeks after the Taliban entered. In one village near Bamiyan 50old men, who were left behind after the younger population escaped, werekilled by the Taliban. 16In another tragedy on 18 September, just five days after they occupiedBamiyan, Taliban fighters dynamited the head of the small Buddha colossus,blowing its face away. They fired rockets at the Buddha's groin, damagingthe luxurious folds of the figure and destroying the intricate frescoesin the niche, where the statue stood. The two Buddhas, Afghanistan'sgreatest archaeological heritage, had stood for nearly 2,000 years and hadwithstood the assault of the Mongols. Now the Taliban were destroyingthem. It was a crime that could not be justified by any appeals to Islam.For the Iranians the fall of Bamiyan was the last straw. Iran said it hadthe right of self-defence under international law and the UN Chartertake all necessary action against the Taliban - exactly the same argumentused by Washington for its missile strike. A week later Iran's Supreme;Leader Ayatollah Ali Khomenei warned of a huge war which could engulrlthe entire region. He accused Pakistan of using troops and aircraft in thecapture of Bamiyan, which was denied by Islamabad. Iran-Pakistan relationssunk to a new low as Tehran flexed its muscles. Seventy thousand;Iranian Revolutionary Guards, backed by tanks and aircraft, began thelargest military exercises ever along the Iran-Afghanistan border. IOctober some 200,000 regular Iranian troops began another series of exercises along the border as the Taliban mobilized some 5,000 fighters tdtprevent an expected Iranian invasion.As the UN Security Council expressed fears of an all - out Iranianattack, it sent Lakhdar Brahimi back to the region. The military tensionsbetween Iran and the Taliban only subsided when Brahimi met with)Mullah Omar in Kandahar on 14 October 1998. It was the first time thatiOmar had ever met with a UN official or foreign diplomat who wasPakistani. Omar agreed to release all the Iranian truck drivers, returndead bodies of the Iranian diplomats and promised to improve relatiwith the UN.The Taliban's confrontation with Iran had given Masud the timespace to regroup his forces and the remaining Uzbek and Hazara fighowho had not surrendered. At the same time, increased arms suppliiincluding vehicles and helicopters, reached him from Russia and I:BAMIYAN 1998-2000: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR ~ 77Masud launched a series of well co-ordinated, lightning attacks in thenorth east, capturing a huge swathe of territory back from the Taliban,especially along Afghanistan's sensitive border with Tajikistan andUzbekistan. There were some 2,000 Taliban casualties during Octoberand November as the demoralized, poorly supplied and cold Taliban garrisonsfought briefly and then surrendered to Masud. On 7 December 1998Masud held a meeting of all field commanders opposed to the Taliban inthe Panjshir valley. The collapse of the Hazara and Uzbek leadership hadleft Masud and his Tajiks supreme and the commanders, who includedseveral prominent Pashtuns, appointed Masud as the military commanderof all anti-Taliban forces.The Taliban offensive, the massacre of Hazaras and the confrontationwith Iran, along with the US cruise-missile attack dramatically underminedthe fragile balance of power in the region. The Taliban's cleansweep also infuriated Russia, Turkey and the Central Asian states whoblamed Pakistan and Saudi Arabia for backing the Taliban. Thesharpened war of words increased the regional polarization between thetwo blocks of states. The foreign and defence ministers of Kazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and Russian officials met in Tashkenton 25 August 1998 to co-ordinate joint military and political plansto halt the Taliban advance.The consequences of the regional escalation were enormous: there wasthe danger of a war between Iran and the Taliban, which could also suckin Pakistan on the side of the Taliban; Western investors and oil companiesbecame wary of further investments in the oil-rich Caspian nations;the danger of Islamic fundamentalism spreading to the already economicallyimpoverished Central Asian states increased and anti-US feelingacross the region escalated; Pakistan became more deeply polarized asIslamic parties demanded Islamicization.The international community remained frustrated with the Taliban'sintransigence in refusing to form a broad-based government, change itsstance on the gender issue and accept diplomatic norms of behaviour. UNaid agencies were unable to return to Kabul. Washington was nowobsessed with Bin Laden's capture and the Taliban's refusal to hand himover. Even close ally Saudi Arabia, which felt insulted by the protectionthat the Taliban were giving Bin Laden, pulled out its diplomatic representationin Kabul and ceased all official funding for the Taliban, leavingPakistan as their sole provider.These international frustrations resulted, on 8 December 1998, in thetoughest UN Security Council Resolution on Afghanistan to date. TheResolution threatened unspecified sanctions against the Taliban for harbouringinternational terrorists, violating human rights, promoting drugstrafficking and refusing to accept a cease-fire. 'Afghanistan-based terrorism
78 TALIBANhas become a plague,' said US envoy Nancy Soderberg. 17 Pakistan wasthe only country that did not support the resolution, calling it biased andby now Pakistan was as internationally isolated as the Taliban.Increasing pressure by the UN, the US and other states forced bothsides back to the negotiating table in early 1999. Under UN auspices,delegations from the Taliban and the opposition met for talks in Ashkhabadon 11 March 1999. The talks ended on a hopeful note, with bothsides agreeing to exchange prisoners and continue negotiating. But byApril, Mullah Omar ruled out further talks, accusing Masud of duplicity.In fact both sides had used the lull and the talks to prepare for a renewedspring offensive. On 7 April 1999, Masud met with the Russian DefenceMinister Igor Sergeyev in Dushanbe, as Russia announced it would builda new military base in Tajikistan. Clearly part of its role would be to stepup military aid to Masud. The Taliban were re-equipping themselves andrecruiting more students from Pakistani madrassas. Masud and the Hazaraslaunched a series of attacks in the north east and the Hazarajat. In adramatic reversal Wahadat troops recapatured Bamiyan on 21 April 1999.The north was once again in flames as fighting spread and UN peacemakingefforts were back to zero.At the beginning of 1998 Kofi Annan had warned, 'In a country of20 million people, 50,000 armed men are holding the whole populationhostage.' 18 By the end of 1998 Annan spoke ominously of 'the prospectof a deeper regionalization of the conflict' where Afghanistan had become'the stage for a new version of the Great Game'. 19 Rather than bringpeace, the Taliban victories and their massacres of the peoples of thenorth, had only brought Afghanistan even closer to the edge of ethnicfragmentation.Annan's dire predictions appeared to be borne out by the end of theyear when UN mediator Lakhdar Brahimi announced his resignation. Heblamed the Taliban for their intransigence, the support given to them bythousands of Pakistani madrassa students and continued outside interference.His resignation in October followed two Taliban offensives in Julyand September, which attempted to push Masud's forces out of the Kabulregion and cut off his supply links with Tajikistan in the north.Both offensives failed but the Taliban conducted a bloody scorchedearthpolicy north of the capital, which led to some 200,000 people fleeingthe area and the devastation of the Shomali valley - one of the mostfertile regions in the country. As winter set in tens of thousands of refugeeswho had taken shelter with Masud's forces in the Panjshir valley andwith the Taliban in Kabul faced acute shortages food and shelter.Brahimi's resignation was followed by a much tougher reaction againstthe Taliban by the international community. The UN Security Councilunanimously imposed limited sanctions on the Taliban on 15 October -^BAMIYAN 1998-2000: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR ~ 79banning commercial aircraft flights to and from Afghanistan and freezingTaliban bank accounts world wide - even as Washington stepped uppressure on the Taliban to hand over Bin Laden.On 6 February 2000 the Taliban came under renewed internationalpressure after distraught Afghan civilians hijacked an Afghan Airlinespassenger plane and flew it to London where they asked for asylum. Thehijacking ended peacefully four days later. In early March 2000 the Talibanlaunched abortive offensives against Masud's forces but were pushedback. The Taliban received a major blow to their prestige when two topNA leaders, who had spent three years in a Taliban jail, escaped on 27March and arrived in Iran. They included Ismail Khan, who had led theMujaheddin resistance against Soviet occupying forces in the 1980s andthen fought the Taliban.In April the Taliban issued several appeals to the international communityto help victims from a drought in three southern provinces andfrom a locust plague in Baghlan province. The drought worsened, affectingthe entire country, but the Taliban's refusal to announce a ceasefirediscouraged international aid. After three months UN agencies had receivedonly US$8 million out of US$67 million for a drought appeal. Asthe drought worsened, prices for foodstuffs rose by more than 75 per cent,and the Afghani currency lost 50 per cent of its value. This did not stopthe Taliban from launching an offensive on 1 July. Thousands of Talibantroops and dozens of tanks tried to blast their way through NA positionsjust 30 kilometers north of Kabul. However, the Taliban lost 400 men asthey were repelled by Masud's forces.As fighting subsided around Kabul, the Taliban launched an offensiveon 28 July in a bid to cut Masud's supply lines with Tajikistan. They carriedout intensive bombing of civilian targets and slowly made headwaytowards Taloqan, the political headquarters of the NA. After a four-weeksiege and heavy fighting, and after Masud conducted a strategic withdrawalfrom the city to prevent civilian casualties, Taloqan fell on 5 September.Masud withdrew to the borders of Badakhshan, the last provinceunder his control, as 150,000 refugees fled to the border with Tajikistan.The Taliban also captured several towns on the Afghanistan-Tajikistanborder, creating a wave of panic in Central Asia.Throughout 2000 there were growing signs of dissent within the Talibanleadership, while the tribal Pashtuns demonstrated growing resentmentagainst the strictures and corruption of Taliban rule and against theTaliban's lack of consideration for the suffering population. On 13 January,the money market in Kabul was robbed by its Taliban guards, whostole the equivalent of US$200,000. The money market shut down inprotest for several days as the 'Afghani' plummeted against the US dollar.On 25 January, 400 tribal leaders from four eastern provinces forced the
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76 ~ TALIBANTaliban launched an offensive from three directions on Bamiyan, whichfell on 13 September 1998 after some Hazara commanders surrendered tothe Taliban. Karim Khalili and other Wahadat leaders, together withmuch of the population of the town, took to the hilb as the first Talibantroops entered. This time, due to repeated international appeals to respecthuman rights, Mullah Omar ordered his troops to restrain themselvesagainst Hazara civilians. Nevertheless killings did take place in Bamiyana few weeks after the Taliban entered. In one village near Bamiyan 50old men, who were left behind after the younger population escaped, werekilled by the Taliban. 16In another tragedy on 18 September, just five days after they occupiedBamiyan, Taliban fighters dynamited the head of the small Buddha colossus,blowing its face away. They fired rockets at the Buddha's groin, damagingthe luxurious folds of the figure and destroying the intricate frescoesin the niche, where the statue stood. The two Buddhas, Afghanistan'sgreatest archaeological heritage, had stood for nearly 2,000 years and hadwithstood the assault of the Mongols. Now the Taliban were destroyingthem. It was a crime that could not be justified by any appeals to Islam.For the Iranians the fall of Bamiyan was the last straw. Iran said it hadthe right of self-defence under international law and the UN Chartertake all necessary action against the Taliban - exactly the same argumentused by Washington for its missile strike. A week later Iran's Supreme;Leader Ayatollah Ali Khomenei warned of a huge war which could engulrlthe entire region. He accused Pakistan of using troops and aircraft in thecapture of Bamiyan, which was denied by Islamabad. Iran-Pakistan relationssunk to a new low as Tehran flexed its muscles. Seventy thousand;Iranian Revolutionary Guards, backed by tanks and aircraft, began thelargest military exercises ever along the Iran-Afghanistan border. IOctober some 200,000 regular Iranian troops began another series of exercises along the border as the Taliban mobilized some 5,000 fighters tdtprevent an expected Iranian invasion.As the UN Security Council expressed fears of an all - out Iranianattack, it sent Lakhdar Brahimi back to the region. The military tensionsbetween Iran and the Taliban only subsided when Brahimi met with)Mullah Omar in Kandahar on 14 October 1998. It was the first time thatiOmar had ever met with a UN official or foreign diplomat who wasPakistani. Omar agreed to release all the Iranian truck drivers, returndead bodies of the Iranian diplomats and promised to improve relatiwith the UN.The Taliban's confrontation with Iran had given Masud the timespace to regroup his forces and the remaining Uzbek and Hazara fighowho had not surrendered. At the same time, increased arms suppliiincluding vehicles and helicopters, reached him from Russia and I:BAMIYAN 1998-2000: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR ~ 77Masud launched a series of well co-ordinated, lightning attacks in thenorth east, capturing a huge swathe of territory back from the Taliban,especially along Afghanistan's sensitive border with Tajikistan andUzbekistan. There were some 2,000 Taliban casualties during Octoberand November as the demoralized, poorly supplied and cold Taliban garrisonsfought briefly and then surrendered to Masud. On 7 December 1998Masud held a meeting of all field commanders opposed to the Taliban inthe Panjshir valley. The collapse of the Hazara and Uzbek leadership hadleft Masud and his Tajiks supreme and the commanders, who includedseveral prominent Pashtuns, appointed Masud as the military commanderof all anti-Taliban forces.The Taliban offensive, the massacre of Hazaras and the confrontationwith Iran, along with the US cruise-missile attack dramatically underminedthe fragile balance of power in the region. The Taliban's cleansweep also infuriated Russia, Turkey and the Central Asian states whoblamed Pakistan and Saudi Arabia for backing the Taliban. Thesharpened war of words increased the regional polarization between thetwo blocks of states. The foreign and defence ministers of Kazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and Russian officials met in Tashkenton 25 August 1998 to co-ordinate joint military and political plansto halt the Taliban advance.The consequences of the regional escalation were enormous: there wasthe danger of a war between Iran and the Taliban, which could also suckin Pakistan on the side of the Taliban; Western investors and oil companiesbecame wary of further investments in the oil-rich Caspian nations;the danger of Islamic fundamentalism spreading to the already economicallyimpoverished Central Asian states increased and anti-US feelingacross the region escalated; Pakistan became more deeply polarized asIslamic parties demanded Islamicization.The international community remained frustrated with the Taliban'sintransigence in refusing to form a broad-based government, change itsstance on the gender issue and accept diplomatic norms of behaviour. UNaid agencies were unable to return to Kabul. Washington was nowobsessed with Bin Laden's capture and the Taliban's refusal to hand himover. Even close ally Saudi Arabia, which felt insulted by the protectionthat the Taliban were giving Bin Laden, pulled out its diplomatic representationin Kabul and ceased all official funding for the Taliban, leavingPakistan as their sole provider.These international frustrations resulted, on 8 December 1998, in thetoughest UN Security Council Resolution on Afghanistan to date. TheResolution threatened unspecified sanctions against the Taliban for harbouringinternational terrorists, violating human rights, promoting drugstrafficking and refusing to accept a cease-fire. 'Afghanistan-based terrorism