68 TAUBANhumanitarian demand on the Taliban to lift their blockade on Bamiyan.It was the first time in the past 20 years of conflict that one faction hadused food as a weapon of war against another and it demonstrated theescalation in the ethnic and sectarian divisions that were consumingAfghanistan.The Hazaras had always been at the short end of the Pashtun stick, butnever to such an extent. These short, stocky people with their distinctiveMongol features were, according to one theory, the descendants of intermarriagebetween Genghis Khan's Mongol warriors and the indigenousTajik and Turkic peoples. In 1222 Genghis Khan's grandson was killedby Bamiyan's defenders and, in revenge, he massacred the population. 1For one thousand years before that Bamiyan was the centre of Buddhismin India and an important serai or resting place for the camel caravans on:the ancient Silk Route, which linked the Roman Empire with CentralAsia, China and India. Bamiyan remained the protector and capital o|Buddhism for the whole of Central Asia and India after the Islamic conquests.A.Korean monk, Hui-chao who arrived in the town in 827 ADwrote that the King of Bamyan was still a Buddhist and it was not untilthe eleventh century that the Ghaznavids established Islam in the valley.The town is still dominated by two magnificent second-century ADBuddha colossi, carved into a sandstone cliff face. The two statues, one165 feet high, the other 114 feet high, are weathered and cracked whilethe faces of both the Buddhas are missing, but their impact is stunning.The figures are carved with the classical features of all sub-continentalBuddhas, but the figures are draped in Greek robes for they representedthe unique fusion of classical Indian and Central Asian art with Hellenism,introduced by the armies of Alexander the Great. The Buddhas were!one of the wonders of the ancient world, visited by pilgrims from China;and India.Thousands of Buddhist monks once lived in the caves and groicarved into the cliffs alongside the statues. These caves, covered wiiantique stuccoes, were now home to thousands of Hazara refugees whohad fled Kabul. The Taliban threatened to blow up the colossi when theycaptured Bamiyan, generating high-level protests from Buddhist communitiesin Japan and Sri Lanka. In the meantime they had bombedmountain above the Buddhas eight times, creating more cracks insandstone niches that held the figures.The Hazarajat had remained virtually independent until 1893 when iiwas conquered by the Pashtun King Abdul Rehman, who initiated thefirst anti-Hazara programme, killing thousands of Hazaras, moving thousandsmore to Kabul where they lived as indentured serfs and servants,and destroying their mosques. The estimated 3-4 million Hazaras arelargest Shia Muslim group in Afghanistan. The sectarian enmity betwiBAMIYAN 1998-2000: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR ~ 69the Sunni Pashtuns and the Shia Hazaras went back a long way, but theTaliban had brought a new edge to the conflict for they treated all Shiasas murwfaqeen or hypocrites and beyond the pale of true Islam.Even more irksome for the Taliban, was that Hazara women were playinga significant political, social and even military role in the region'sdefence. The 80-member Central Council of the Hazara's Hizb-e-Wahadat party had 12 women members, many of them educated professionals.Women looked after UN aid programmes and Wahadat's effortsto provide basic literacy, health care and family planning. Women oftenfought in battle alongside their men - some had killed Taliban in Mazarin May. Female professors, who had fled Kabul had set up a universityin Bamiyan, probably the poorest in the world where classrooms wereconstructed with mud and straw and there was no electricity or heatingand few books.'We detest the Taliban, they are against all civilization, Afghan cultureand women in particular. They have given Islam and Afghan people abad name,' Dr Humera Rahi, who taught Persian literature at the universityand had emerged as a leading poet of the resistance, told me. Nor didthe Taliban appreciate Hazara women's style of dress. Dr Rahi and hercolleagues wore skirts and high-heeled boots. The poetry of Humera Rahiseemed to echo the Hazaras' new found confidence after centuries ofoppression at the hands of the Pashtuns.'Victory is yours and God is with you, victorious army of Hazarajat. Mayyour foes' chests be the target of your rifle barrels. You are the winner, thevictorious, God is with you. My midnight prayers and my cries at dawn,and the children saying "O Lord, O Lord!", and the tears and sighs of theoppressed are with you.' zDespite the siege and decades of poor treatment and prejudice by thePashtun rulers of Kabul, the Hazaras were now on a roll. They had beeninstrumental in defeating the Taliban in Mazar in May and again inOctober 1997. They had also repulsed repeated Taliban attacks againstBamiyan. The Hazaras had once made up the third and weakest link inthe Uzbek-Tajik-Hazara alliance confronting the Taliban, but now withthe Uzbeks divided and in disarray and the Tajiks in a position of stalematearound Kabul, the Hazaras sensed that their time had come. 'Ourbacks are to the Hindu Kush and before us are the Taliban and theirsupporters Pakistan. We will die but we will never surrender,' Qurban AliIrfani, the defiant deputy chief of Wahadat told me, as we sat trying towarm ourselves in front of a log fire in a room that overlooked theBuddhas, spectacularly draped in moonlight.There was a new found confidence and pride in their organization andtheir fighting prowess. 'We saved the north from the Taliban,' saidAhmed Sher, a 14-year-old Hazara soldier, who had already seen two
70 ~ TALIBANyears of battle and held his kalashnikov like a professional soldier. TheHazaras were not without friends. Iran was flying in military supplies to anewly constructed two-mile-long landing strip outside Bamiyan andKarim Khalili, the leader of Wahadat, spent the winter visiting Tehran,Moscow, New Delhi and Ankara looking for more military aid.But the Hazaras had also overstretched themselves. There were severalfactions amongst them, all competing for territory, influence and foreignaid. Separate factions of Hizb-e-Wahadat each controlled a part of Mazarand they fought each other as well as the Uzbeks, turning Mazar into awar zone and the anti-Taliban alliance into a political shambles. Iranianand Russian intelligence officers made several attempts at mediatingbetween Dostum, who was then based in Shiberghan, and the Hazaras, as:well as between the Hazara factions, but no side would compromise. InFebruary 1998, as heavy fighting erupted inside Mazar between the Uzbeksand the Hazaras, Masud paid his first visit to Tehran to try and persuadethe Iranians to do something to save the anti-Taliban alliance before itjwas too late. Meanwhile the Taliban sat out the winter, watching theirenemies tear each other apart while tightening the siege around Bamiyanand preparing for another attack on Mazar.Fighting continued through the winter months in the western provinceof Faryab, where the Taliban carried out another massacre in January Ithis time of some 600 Uzbek villagers. Western aid-workers who lateinvestigated the incident said civilians were dragged from their homeslined up and gunned down. International censure against the Taliban'ipolicies escalated as they imposed ever stricter Islamic laws and punishmentsin Kabul. The public amputation of limbs, lashings, stoning oijwomen and executions became weekly events in Kabul and Kandahar.International Women's Day on 8 February 1998 was dedicated to thiplight of Afghan women under Taliban rule. A hearing in the USon the Afghan gender issue attracted widespread publicity, as did condemnnation of the Taliban's policies by such luminaries as Hillary Clinton.The Taliban issued new edicts, stipulating the exact length of befor males and a list of Muslim names with which newborn childrento be named. The Taliban shut down the few home schools for girls twere operating in Kabul, as the religious police went on a rampage forciall women off the streets of Kabul and insisting that householdblackened their windows, so women would not be visible from the outside.Women were now forced to spend all their time indoors, where not evisunlight could penetrate. Taliban hardliners were determined to forceUN aid agencies out of Afghanistan and they provoked a number of incidents that tested UN patience to the limit.On 24 February 1998 all UN staff pulled out of Kandahar and hatoaid operations there after senior Taliban leaders beat up UN staffBAMIYAN 1998-2000: THE NEVER-ENDING WAR ~ 71threatened them. Mullah Mohammed Hassan, the usually mild-mannered,one-legged Governor of Kandahar, threw a table and a chair at the headof one UN official and then tried to throttle him, because he had refusedto pave a road in Hassan's village. In March, the Taliban refused to allowAlfredo Witschi-Cestari, the head of UN humanitarian aid operations tovisit Kabul for talks. And the UN remained deeply frustrated by the Talibansiege of the Hazarajat. 'In the north there is complete insecurity forour aid operations and in the south we have a hell of a horrible timeworking with the Taliban. In the north there is no authority and in thesouth there is a very difficult authority,' Lakhdar Brahimi told me. 3Despite these problems Brahimi attempted to set up a meeting betweenthe Taliban and the anti-Taliban alliance. Anxious to avoid meeting theopposition's leaders and thereby give them further legitimacy, the Talibansuggested a meeting of ukma from both sides. For several months theysquabbled with each other as to who qualified to be an ukma. The UNmustered the help of the US. Bill Richardson, President Clinton's foreignpolicy troubleshooter and the US Ambassador to the UN, visitedAfghanistan for a day of parachute diplomacy on 17 April 1998 and persuadedboth sides to convene the ukma meeting.Both sides were trying to woo the US and the flamboyant Richardsonreceived a rapturous reception. He was deluged with gifts of carpets,saddlebags and turbans. In Kabul the Taliban allowed the accompanyingUS TV crews to film their leaders for the first time and, as a courtesy toRichardson, they postponed their regular Friday public spectacle of lashingsand amputations in the city's football stadium. But although theTaliban leaders in Kabul promised to ease the siege of Hazarajat and discusstheir gender policies with the UN, Mullah Omar rejected the agreementjust a few hours after Richardson left.The ukma met in Islamabad under UN auspices at the end of Apriland after four days of talks each side agreed to nominate 20 ukma to apeace commission, which would decide on such issues as a cease-fire, liftingthe Taliban siege on the Hazarajat and an exchange of prisoners.However, the Taliban then refused to nominate their delegation and byMay another peace process had collapsed - even as the Taliban prepareda fresh offensive.Part of these preparations involved a fresh escalation with the UN. InJune the Taliban stopped all women from attending general hospitals andordered all female Muslim UN staff travelling to Afghanistan to be chaperonedby a mehram or a blood relative - an impossible demand to meet,especially as UN agencies had increased the number of Muslim femaleaid-workers, precisely so as to satisfy Taliban demands and gain access toAfghan women. The Taliban then insisted that all NGOs working inKbl move out of their offices and relocate to the destroyed building of
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174 — TALIBANnon-Russian pipeline
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178 — TALIBANROMANCING THE TALIBA
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198 TALIBAN SHIA VERSUS SUNNI: IRAN
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Origins of Members of the Taliban M
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APPENDIX 3 ~ 227Appendix 3A CHRONOL
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230 ~ TALIBANgraves near Shebarghan
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234 ~ TALIBAN8 June. US FBI places
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238 ~ TALIBAN1995 January16 MarchAp
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246 ~ TALIBANDupree, Nancy Hatch, A
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254 ~ NOTESmuddin, Religious Police
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258 NOTES13. The Japanese company M
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262 ~ NOTES28. Waxman, Sharon, 'A c
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Abbas, Mulla Mohammed 22,61,100Abda
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INDEX - 270Hazaras (continued)burea
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INDEX ~ 274nF»r\/FaliViar» milita
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INDEX ~ 278Talibans (continued)Sunn