260 NOTES27 1996. Pakistani diplomats in Washington told me that the air tickets of someof the participating Afghans had been paid by Unocal. Brown was one of the fewUS legislators who took an interest in Afghanistan at the time, partly because hebacked the Unocal project.22. Reuters, 'US sending envoy to Taliban,' Washington, 1 October 1996.23. Interview with Nazdjanov, Ashkhabad, 22 January 1997.24. Interview with Bridas executive, Islamabad, June 1997. Bridas held talks withMobil, Amoco and Coastal oil companies in the USA in order to win backingfrom a major US oil company to offset Unocal's links with the US government.Bridas was also talking to British, French and Malaysian oil companies to join itsconsortium. It was ako talking to a Russian oil company about joining, m orderto offset Russian opposition to its pipeline project.25. Interview with Imle, Davos, Switzerland, 29 January 1999.26. Interview with Akashi, Ashkhabad, 22 January 1997-27. Ebel, Robert, 'Energy Choices in the Near Abroad. The Haves and Havenotsface the future,' Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, April1997.Chapter 131. Both companies had built up lobbies within the Taliban. 'We have still notdecided which company we will accept, but we prefer Bridas. They give us confidencebecause they are neutral,' Mullah Mohammed Sadeq, who had visitedBuenos Aires, told me on 27 February 1997.2. Interview with Bridas executive, Islamabad June 1997.3. Interview with John Imle, in Davos, Switzerland, 31 January 1999.4. Interview with President Niyazov, Ashkhabad, 22 January 1997- Turkmenistanhosted a meeting of the UN-sponsored 'International Forum of Assistance toAfghanistan' in a bid to play a larger role in Afghanistan.5. Three European companies were involved in the Turkey-Turkmenistan pipeline,Italy's Snamprogetti, Gas de France and Royal Dutch Shell.6. The breakdown of the deal gave Turkmenistan US$1 for supplying the gas,Unocal 65-85 cents for transport costs and the Taliban 15 cents as royalty. Thiswould have given the Taliban an estimated US$105 million dollars a year, butthe Taliban rejected it.7. The new CentGas consortium announced on 25 October 1997, includedUnocal 46.5 per cent, Delta Oil 15 per cent, Turkmenistan 7 per cent, Itochu(Japan) 6.5 per cent, Indonesia Petroleum (Japan) 6.5 per cent, Crescent Group(Pakistan) 3.5 per cent and Hyundai Engineering and Construction Co. (SouthKorea) 5 per cent. Ten per cent shares were reserved for Gazprom.8. After Gazprom's pullout, the CentGas shares were rearranged. Unocal 54-11per cent, Delta Oil 15 per cent, Turkmenistan 7 per cent, Indonesia Petroleum(Japan) 7.22 per cent, CIECO TransAsia Gas Ltd (Japan) 7.22 per cent, HyundaiLtd (South Korea) 5.56 per cent, Crescent Group (Pakistan) 3.89 per cent.NOTES ~ 2619. Reuters, 9 August 1997. Quoted in Dawn newspaper.10. Heslin, Sheila. Testimony at Senate hearings into illegal fund-raising activities,17 September 1997.11. Lees, Caroline, 'Oil barons court Taliban in Texas', Sunday Tefegrapfc, 14December 1997.12. Interview with Imle, 29 January 1999, Davos, Switzerland.13. Starobin, Paul, 'The New Great Game', the National Journal, 12 March 1999.The Kaplan quote is from his book. Kaplan, Robert, The Ends of The Earth, AJourney to the Frontiers of Anarchy, Vintage Books, 1997.14- Rubin, Barnett, 'US Policy in Afghanistan', Muslim Politics Report, Councilof Foreign Relations, New York January 1997.15. Interview with Iranian diplomat, Islamabad, January 1997.16. Although publicly Pakistan supported the arms embargo, the ISI warned theCIA privately that such a measure would complicate its arming of the Talibanand delay a Taliban victory and the Unocal project. The US still supports an armsembargo, but subsequently it has not been pushed by the Clinton administration.Pakistan diplomats told me that Unocal had paid for some air tickets for Afghanspeakers for the Hank Brown hearings.17. Raphel, Robin, Testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee onthe Near East and South Asia, 11 May 1996.18. Raphel, Robin, text of speech at the closed door UN meeting on Afghanistan,obtained by the author, 18 November 1996.19. Rubin, Bamett, 'US Policy in Afghanistan', Muslim Politics Report, Councilof Foreign Relations, New York, January 1997.20. Interview with US diplomat, Islamabad, 20 January 1997. Aramco was theconsortium of US oil companies which controlled Saudi oil development until itwas nationalized by the Saudi government.21. 'While the CIA did not embark on a new Afghan operation of its own,Unocal officials were briefed extensively by US intelligence analysts. Unocal andDelta hired as consultants every available member of the inner circle of thoseAmericans involved in Afghan operations during the jihad years.' Mackenzie,Richard, 'The United States and the Taliban,' in Maley, William (ed.), FundamentalismReborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban, C. Hurst, London 1998.22. Interview with John Imle, 29 January 1999, Davos, Switzerland.23. Interview with US official, Islamabad, 27 January 1998.24. AFP, 'US wants puppet government in Afghanistan,' 11 March 1998. Ayub'sreference was to an abortive American attempt to talk to neutral Pashtun figures,who might play a role in diluting the Taliban's hardliners.25. Talbott, Strobe Speech at Stanford <strong>University</strong>, California, 23 January 1999,US Information Service.26. Rohrabacher, Dana, *US Policy towards Afghanistan', Senate Foreign RelationsSubcommittee on South Asia, Washington, 14 April 1999.27. Testimony of Mavis Leno to US Senate Foreign Relations Committee ongender apartheid in Afghanistan, 2 March 1998.
262 ~ NOTES28. Waxman, Sharon, 'A cause unveiled - Hollywood women have made theplight of Afghan women their own', Washington Post, 30 March, 1999.29. AP, 'Mrs Clinton takes on Afghan government', 28 April 1999.Chapter 141. Interviews with cabinet ministers and bureaucrats in June 1998. Much of thissubsequent information was gathered by me from civil and military officialsbeween 1995 and 1999. See Rashid, Ahmed, 'Pakistan and the Taliban,' in Maley,William (ed.), Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban, C. Hurst,London 1998.2. Babar, Mariana, 'The Battle for economic gains in Afghanistan', the News, 15January 1996.3. Yousufzai, Rahimullah, 'We have no intention of exporting jihad', the News,19 August 1998.4. Ahmad, Eqbal, 'What after strategic depth?' Dawn, 23 August 1998.5. Roy, Olivier, Middle East Report, Winter 1997.6. This above assessment, which I have written about widely in the past, is aresult of dozens of interviews over the years with senior military and intelligenceofficials, diplomats and bureaucrats involved in Afghan policy.7. Both the army chief General Abdul Waheed and the head of Military IntelligenceLieutenant General Ali Kuli Khan were Pashtuns, as were all operationalISI field officers involved with the Taliban.8. Rashid, Ahmed, 'Isolated in Asia, Pakistan's Afghan policy fails to reflectregional realities', Far Eastern Economic Review, 5 March 1998.9. Rashid, Ahmed, 'Pakistan undermines UN in peace process', the Nation, 23January 1998.10. Interview with Pakistan official, Quetta, April 1995. See also Rashid, Ahmed,'Nothing to declare', For Eastern Economic Review, 11 May 1995.11. Braudel, Fernand, A History of Civilizations, Penguin Books, London 1993.12. Ismael Khan, the warlord who controlled Herat, was charging exorbitant customsfees, having raised his customs duty from 5000 to 10,000 rupees per truck.13. Interviews with CBR officials in 1996, 1997, 1998. In 1993 US$1 was worth40 rupees. In 1999, US$1 was worth 50 rupees.14- The racket involved the police, customs officials and bureaucrats who all got acut from the mafia. After my nephew's car was stolen in Lahore in 1997, he was toldby his local police station that his car was now in Afghanistan and he could get itback if he paid the police a 'recovery fine', in cash. Otherwise it would be resold.15. Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 'Study on informal economy',December 1998.16. Business Recorder, 'Afghan transit trade destroyed local industry, says NWFPChief Minister', 15 December 1998.17. Chase, Robert and Kennedy, Paul and Hill, Emily, The Pivotal States. A NewFramework for US Policy in the Developing World, W. Norton and Co., 1999.NOTES ~ 26318. The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba, offshoots of the JUI whodemanded the expulsion of all Shias from Pakistan, sent thousands of volunteersto fight with the Taliban and in return the Taliban gave sanctuary to their leadersin Kabul.19. Rashid, Ahmed, 'Afghan conflict eroding stability in Pakistan', the Nation,21 January 1998.20. Yousufzai, Rahimullah, 'Pakistani Taliban at work', the News, 18 December1998. See also AFP, 'Murder convict executed Taliban style in Pakistan', 14December 1998.21. Roy, Olivier, 'Domestic and Regional Implications of the Taliban regime inAfghanistan', conference paper delivered at St Antony's College, Oxford <strong>University</strong>,24 April 1999.Chapter 151. Interview with Kharrazi, Tehran, April 30 1998. See also Rashid, Ahmed, 'Irantrying to improve ties with old enemies', the Nation, 5 May 1998.2. Between 1984 and 1986 the Saudis gave US$525 million to the Afghan resistance;in 1989 they agreed to supply 61 per cent of a total of US$715 million orUS$436, with the remainder coming from the USA. In 1993 they providedUS$193 million to the Afghan government. The total amount they contributedduring the course of the war was at least as much as and probably more than theUS$3-3. 3 billion spent by the US,' Huntingdon, Samuel, The Clash of Civilizationsand the Remaking of World Order, Simon and Schuster, New York 1996.3. Interviews with Pakistani intelligence officers 1989. Also quoted in Rubin,Bamett, The Fragmentation of Afghanistan: State Formation and Collapse in the Inter'national System, <strong>Yale</strong> <strong>University</strong> <strong>Press</strong>, 1995.4- Interviews with cabinet ministers in 1990. Also see Rubin, Bamett: The Fragmentationof Afghanistan.5. The Saudis appealed to the Mujaheddin to send a military contingent to SaudiArabia to help their fight with Iraq, in order to show Islamic solidarity and counterpropaganda in the Islamic world that the Saudis were solely dependent on Westerntroops. All the Afghan parties declined, except for the moderate National IslamicFront of Afghanistan led by Pir Gailani which the Saudis had always sidelined.6. Hunter, Shireen T, 'The Islamic Factor in Iran's Relations with Central Asia',February 1999. Unpublished paper. I am grateful to Hunter for many of theseideas.7. Rashid, Ahmed, The Resurgence of Central Asia, Islam or Nationalism?' ZedBooks, London 1994- In this book I deal extensively with the early period ofindependent Central Asia's relations with Iran, Turkey, Pakistan and SaudiArabia.8. As none of the Central Asian leaders allowed a democratic opposition toflourish, all the opposition to their regimes took the shape of underground Islamicfundamentalist which these leaders conveniently dubbed Wahabbism eventhough the Islamic opposition was not made up solely of Saudi-trained Wahabbis.
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