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FRENCH COLONIAL LEGACY IN PONDICH~RY ANDQUEBEC: A COMPARATIVE STUDYThesis submitted to the Pondichevy University for award of degreeofDoctor of Philosophyin HistoryMINI THOMASDr. MAHAVIR SINGHDEPARTMENT OF HISTORYPONDICHERRY UNIVERSITYPONDICHERRY - 605 014INDIADECEMBER 2002

Dr. Mahavir Singh,Pmfesw of H i ,Pondidreny Univwsily (On Em),Currently Diredor,MaulanaAbulKekm AzadlnrtiMeofAsianStudies,587, D i Herbour Rd,Behale, Kdkata - 700 034,Wesxt Bengsl, IndiaCERTIFICATEThis is to cerWy that Mini ?bm, has independently canisd out the the& work WsdFRENCH COLONIAL LEGACY IN dmR~ ANO QUEBEC: A COMPARATMduring the requioite period undet the regulations in face. This the& is a bonafide rscad of~rch~donebyherundetmyw~and~. Thiswukisociginalandhasnot formed pll thereof for the award of any alher d m w dipkme or the award of anyother Ulouahip of this unhsity w any other UnkMy.Ph: KolkataDate : 171 2-2002Dr. L.S. VISWA~ATHprofessor and HeadDepartme?! o' lill:i7Ypondic'..' - >"'.'"51!1'pohj~ch~,,,:Y. 605 014.

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORYWNDICHERRY UNIVERSITYR.V. NAGAR, KALAPETWNDICHERRY - 805 014.INDIAI hereby declare that the thesis 'FRENCH COLONIAL LEGACY INPONDICHERRY AND QUEBEC : A COMPARATIVE S'TUDY" submitted byme for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, is a record of researchwork carried out by me and that the thesis has not formed the basis for theaward of any degree, diploma or other similar We to me.Date : 17-12-XK)2Counter Siined:Pmfesrroc of History,Pwddwy University (On EOL),Cmtly DiredocMaulena Abul Warn Institute of Asian Studies,567, Diamond Hsrbour Road,Behala, Kdkate - 700 034,Wexd Bengal, India.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTThe department of History of Pondicherry University has been ablessing for me as my academic career was developed here. The constantsupervision and interest shown by Dr. Mahavir Singh my supervisorselected by the Pondicherry University, known as an academician especiallyin Russian studies and Archival science has been beneficial for me.Working along with him for this topic has been very pleasant as he is veryencouraging and allowed me to do an independent research all along. Hemade all the necessary comments and suggestions in the research work inorder to highlight the questions raised in the thesis. His critical view,sparing his valuable time despite his busy schedule as Director, MaulanaAbul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata for the corrections;suggestions especially in the final stage of the research work had addeddepth to the thesis work. This researcher is grateful for the help andcooperation given by the supervisor and his family during the visits toKolkata for the corrections.Library staff of the Pondicherry University Central Library has beenvery cooperative in issuing books for me. Librarians of the French Institute,Tagore Arts College, Romain Rolland, Teen Muni Bhavan Library andMusuem, British Council Library New Delhi have been very kind inlocating books for me. I am indebted to staff of National Archives of IndiaNew Delhi, Archive of Pondicherry and Madras Archives.This research work started with the award of Savarayalu NayagarFellowship by the Government of Pondicherry in 1997, followed by theNehru Memorial Fellowship in 1998. However this topic for research workwas taken into consideration after going through the available materials atthe Pondicherry Archives and the researcher had to face problems on thearea of comparison. This was because primary materials on Canadian

history were not available in Pondicheny. It is in this context that eminenthistorian and academician, then Professor and Head Dr. K. S. Mathew andDr. Mahavir Singh recommended my case for award of Shastri lndoCanadian Scholarship. As a result the Shastri Indo Canadian Scholarship2000-2001 allowed this researqher to go to Canada and collect the materialsthat was indeed a God sent one. I thank the Shastri Indo CanadianInstitute based at New Delhi for making my stay in Canada worth whileconcerned with material collection. I thank the Director of SICI IndiaOnice, and the Programme Officer, other staff, the SIC1 India OficeLibrarian Ms. Kanta who personally involved with me by helping me inlocating books on Canadian History during the initial period of sourcecollection and made the material collection progress. I thank the SICICalgary Director and the Programme Officer involved with the work.1 am indebted to the University of Ottawa for enrolling me as avisiting researcher at the Institute of Canadian Studies from March 2001to October 2001 at the instance of SICI Calgary. The Director ProfessorChad Gameld and Staff of the Institute of Canadian Studies had been kindenough by providing me with an office and computer facility. Theirconstant encouragement and support gave me the necessary step to proceedwith the collection of research materials.I am grateful to the Library staff of University of Ottawa, the Archivecell of the Library and the Institute of Canadian Studies Library staff fortheir prompt and timely help. I cannot forget the way in which staff ofNational Archives of Canada made documents available to me at theshortest time realizing my limited time available for collection of materials.The tint draA and outline of the thesis during my stay with theOttawa University was critically scrutinized, refined with all the minutestdetails and aligned by Emeritus Pmfeasor Cornelius John Jaenen ofDepartment of History, University of Ottawa who was my academic contact

at the affiliated University. Without his critical point of view this workwould have been incomplete. I am grateful to Professor Jamen for hispatience and willingness in correcting the draft of the thesis and helping mewith my accommodation, ofice space and providing me with all the detailsof Canadian Library facilities available. It is a blessing to be associatedwith such a remarkable academician on New France, ethnic studies, andnatives of Canada etc. He has worked and taught in all level of publiceducation in Canada, France, United States and India.His academicpublications in the fonn of articles in all leading journals, booklets andbooks are many to be individually highlighted. He has got the book prize ofthe French Colonial Historical Society and the Sainte-Marie Prize inCanadian History. He is the founder of the first Canadian Ethnic StudiesAssociation of which he was the President. I personally thank Dr. CarolineAndrews the Dean of Department of Political Science for the interest shetook in my work and the observations she made which helped me to clarifymy doubts. My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Stephen Inglis of theNational Museum for Science and Technology at Ottawa. His keen interestin taking me around the Museum and showing all the artifacts regarding thefirst nations was an eye opener for me as it brought me more closely to thesubject that I was dealing with.I thank Professor Pierre Boui, Professor Tet of the Department ofChemical Engineering, his wife Mrs. Sheila Williams for moral suppon Iam indebted to Dr. Neera Jacobs and Mr. Jacob Pabatty for providing mequilt and cooking wares during my stay in Canada 1 cannot forget theways, in which my friends at the University of Ottawa came forward to helpme to pack my papers and books back to India, sort out materials chapterwise for me and help me enjoy a good academic relationship. I am indebtedto Miss Veronica Dim Arce graduate biology student of science at theUniversity of Ottawa for helping me processing data on the computer,providing me with food during the last months of my stay in Canada.

My thanks are due to Mr. Dale Ward of the Canadian NationalArchives oftice for his valuable assistance in material collection from thearchives. His kind gesture of allowing me to stay with his family andtreating me as a part of their family had made me feel at home. 1 thank hiswife Mrs. Natalie Ward for her hospitality and transportation facilitiesgiven to me during my stay in Canada.I thank the Librarian, Dr. K Nityanandam of PondicherryEngineering College for helping me with the source collection at NACT andinterrelated places. My special thanks to Mr. E. bju, S. Murthy and Mr. K.Karunakaran of Pondicherry Engineering College for helping me with theirvaluable assistance in processing the data and especially in drawing tablesrequired for the thesis.The present Professor and Head of the Department of HistoryPondicheny University, Dr. L. S. Vishwanath has been very cooperative inforwarding the thesis and arranging for all official assistance and I alsothank Dr. Venkata Raghotham for lending me books that was notavailable in Pondicherry. I sincerely thank Dr. G. Chandrika for her helpin locating libraries on sources for the thesis and her critical comments onthe thesis work.This thesis work is dedicated to my parents, sister, brother and myhusband, as without their constant guidance and support this work wouldhave been incomplete. I appreciate the patience shown by each familymember in this regard and with helping me in collection of papers throughInternet, printing and meticulous correction. This thesis work above all isindeed a handiwork of the Lord as this is completed in His name.Mini Thomas

CONTENTSCHAPTERPAGE NO.FROM TOPREFACEi - viiiIINTRODUCTION TO FRENCHCOLONIAL LEGACY INPONDICHERRY AND QU~BEC: ACOMPARATIVE STUDYix-x1-26I1 THEORETICAL ASPECTS OFFRENCH COLONISATION INQU~BEC AND PONDICH~RYI11IVVTHE BEGINNING OF COMMERCEAND MISSIONARY WORK AS ANEFFECTIVE METHOD OFCOLONISATIONEMERGENCE OF QU~BEC ANDPONDICH~RY AS AN URBAN FORTCITY UNDER THE FRENCHPATTERN OF AGRICULTURE INNEW FRANCE AND PONDICH~RYVI FRENCH MILITARY ANDINDUSTRIES IN PONDICH~RY ANDQUEBECVI1CONCLUSIONGLOSSARYBIBLIOGRAPHY

MAP LIST1IiSI.No: / MapAPort Royal SettlementBCDEF, 6IIIISt. Lawrence River and its TributariesPrincipal waterways in CanadaSettlement Pattern in a HypotheticalseigneurieChamplains habitationDistribution of Population in NewFranceIHamlets in Canada in 1760

PREFACEFrench colonial Legacy in Pondicbbry and Qubbef sketches thehistory of New France later on known as Canada and Pondichery from thebeginning of French colonisation in both places. The purpose of thisresearch is to explain how both the places developed and all the changesthat have undergone as part of colonisation. In the context of history of pre-Confederation Canada, the native people, the coming of Norse, thePortuguese, the Spanish, the Basques, and particularly the French and theBritish, who eventually established permanent European settlement, is justmentioned as lots of work in this regard has been done by historians andresearchers alike. Anyone seeking to understand the diversity of Canadamust look at the pre-Confederation era when the present regionalpersonalities were first formed in Atlantic Canada, the St. Lawrence Rivervalley, the Great Lakes, the Red River, and on the Pacific Coast.In Pondichery the challenges faced by the French in settling down in aplace with civilised culture and trading experience proved to be interesting.The methodology adopted in this thesis work is a comparative mode and acritical analysis of myths and facts that came up during the course ofresearch work. All the facts regarding the French rule in Pondichery andQuebec were counter verified from the primary sources available in thisregard from India and Canada. Using a comparative mode of analysismakes the research work more time taking because data's processed forboth the areas have to be meticulously assessed. In this regard I got help tocountercheck all my dates regarding events or incidents of Canadian historyfrom the Minel Data Processing Center of Documentation of the Institute ofCanadian Studies, Ottawa in Canada. The Aix-en-Provence France helpedin the counter verification of data regarding French rule particularly inPondichery.

Census details of the population of Pondichtry and Qudbec during thetime of the French rule gave a demographic outline of the French reach.Sources in native lndian languages were translated to get the correct pictureof the society of the French in India. French documents were translated toget the Quebec history, as majority of the sources are available in Frenchonly. Church registers were verified to see the conversion procedure-takingplace in Pondicherry and Quebec, which is very few in numbers. Thisregister was a counter check on the hypothetical point of view that more andmore local population of both the places were converting into Christianitythefact remains that with the establishment of churches in the colonial arealess people came forward to accept Christianity.The trade registers and log books rczord the trading items, quantityand area of shipment of goods in case taken by ships. This turned out to bevery interesting because slaves and oxen from various parts of the worldwere taken to Malacca for the purpose of using them as labourers. Thisshows there were no proper roadways into the interior region of Malacca asthe French took oxen to cart goods and plough the lands. The import ofslaves into Pondichkry, and the Indians sold and bought as slaves isrecorded in the French registers of trade.The researcher introduces a new methodology by looking into the ruleof the French in Quebec from 1508 to 1763 and French Pondichdry from1664-1774. It is interesting to note that the difference in geography of bothplaces had a tremendous role to play in shaping the history of the regionsthat is also highlighted in the thesis. The French mental make up regardingtheir colonies remain the same despite the changes taking place in Europeas late as the nineteenth century. The researcher brings out the ambivalenceof French culture in Pondichdry and Quebec The researcher utilizes thedocumentation of Indian and First Nation cultures as a source of history.Many of the native oral traditions, myths and facts were researched using

scientific tool for rigorous search for truth. The findings of the researcherare presented keeping in mind the verification on authencity of document,as a student of history has to present the facts in the most truthful wayheishe finds.Some terms and concepb used in thesis have to be mentioned inorder to make the thesis a source of clear communication of ideas andtheories put fonvard by the researcher. One of the most commonly usedterminology Amerindians is the preferred scholarly term for all the Nativepeoples of Americas. It denoted all the linguistic, cultural, political andethnic groups of the continent in the same way that European or African areused to refer to peoples of many different cultures, languages and traditionswho historically share a continent and can be perceived by 'outsiders' assharing certain broad social, political and intellectual attributes. Indian is amisnomer that requires some qualification such as West, East, Canadian,Native or American for accuracy and precision.'In this thesis the term ado~ted for the indieenous ~eo~le of NewFrance is First Nations and Pondicherrians to denote ~ eo~le in Pondichery.The term nation among the indigenous population is not used with thepolitical connotation. The term nation often referred to a polity of sufficientintegrity and importance, regardless of internal political structure, towarrant diplomatic recognition and negotiation. Thus the term at the timeshould be applied to kin-structured communities as well as to theimpersonal bureaucratized structures of nation states. The integrity of theAmerindian groups whom the French designates as nations was assured byCornelius J. Jaenen. The French relations hi^ Wih The Native Pe00les of NewFrance and AcaQ. Ottawa: Research Branch Indian and Northern Affairs Canada,1984, p. 1

social and cultural factors, including patterns of kinship, and by establishedpolitical structures. Similarly the term Indian is used for people in thecolonial French period not taking into consideration that the term Indian orIndia did not exist until much later in the eighteenth and nineteenth century.Assimilation that technically means two different cultures fusetogether, culturally and intellectually as well as social assimilation becomesthe end result. This is a term to denote that the French took care to see thatthey assimilate with the people of the colonies wherever they settled. Thisdid not necessarily mean that taking in whatever was offered by thecolonies but maintaining a relationship with the local population in such away that the need to be free From their rule was never felt by the localpopulation. Assimilation is a process by which the coloniser and wloniscdbecome accustomed to acculturate each other's cultural influences. Thenthe process of assimilation takes place by taking in the goods of bothcultures by the colonised and colonisers. Normally it is coloniser beingdominant imparting their culture on the colonised.Colonialism is a term used in the thesis to denote imposed alien andauthoritarian regimes on subordinate societies. These regimes tended totrain a few of their subjects in bureaucratic management and requiredpassive acquiescence from the remainder. Cultural Colonialism in thecontext of the thesis is used to denote that for good or ill, colonialism hasbeen the primary channel through which the ideas and techniques, thespiritual and material forces of the West have impinged upon the rest ofmankind.This researcher has decided to use the French spelling forPondicherry (Pondichiry) and for Quebec as (Qubbec) throughout the thesistext only. This spelling is not applicable to Bibliography or any quotationstaken from any source as in Bibliography and quotation the researcher has

etained the original spelling used by the authors to maintain the authencityof the document. This is for personal convenience that the French spellinghas been used in the thesis text to denote both the places. For furtherinformation QuCbec the original name given by the First Nations has beenused along with the new name given by the French colonists i.e. NewFrance in the text of the thesis. This is done to give justice to both theparties feelings and thereby avoiding a one sided opinion about the colonialrule in Quebec a pan of presentday whole Canada.The sources used to write the thesis include Primary materials fromarchives and museums. The Archives d' Outre-Mer Aix-en-ProvenceFrance provided with materials on the French East India Company and theirtrade relations. Military documents relating to the French wars with theBritish in India was collected from the National Archives of India. TheZone Centre of documentation under the National Archives of India atLawspet, PondichCry provided with the materials relating to French rule inthe five colonies they established in India. The Institut Francais and EcoleFranqoise d' Extreme Orient at Pondichcry provided with sources onbotanical works done by the French, Census of Pondichkry and plans ontown regulations of Pondichdry.Regarding French wars with First nations, land documents signedbetween the First Nations and French, monographs on Quebec between1660-1690, papers on Canadian historians, mercantile policy of Colbertdetails, Native oral traditions preserved, archaeological evidences on theearly inhabitants of Canada, Plans and maps of QuCbec town and details onChamplain's voyages were collected from National Archives of Canada.All available economic and social documents regarding Canadian historywere collected from the Institute of Canadian Studies, Ottawa. TheUniversity of Ottawa Library Archive cell provided with documents relatingto French rule in India and ledgers documenting made accounts of the

French with Indian merchants. Documents on Quebec women, monogmphson First Nations their culture and special documents on FranwphoneQuebecois and Anglophone Canadians were collected from Institute ofCanadian Studies at Quebec.The National Museum of Science and Technology at Ottawa, Canadaprovided the resources on the First Nations including details on totem poles;food habits, dress made of seal fur, hide, beaver pelts; tools used for dailypurposes like knives, kettle, lard cans, pitter jugs, needle, harpoon; toolsused for war and trade are displayed and documents available on it.Artefacts and fossils left by the early peoples, mythical representation ofideas in the form of cave painting, sculptures on stone, whale bone andfossils, carvings on wood, painted canoe made of birch bark, woodeninstruments used for all purpose including religious are a main source ofidentifying the life style of the First Nations.Whale blubber making procedure that employed lots of people andchurch built by the French near these units, the pelts of beaver whichbecame a main source of trade were cleaned and processed by First Nations.The lroquoian women made coats of beaver pelts, wool, dolls and otherartefacts of wood eta., and the men made birch-bark canoe that catered tothe needs of the European market made the Fiat Nations to concentratemore on trading than following their traditional culture of beingagriculturists. Different values and cultural elements of the tribes arepreserved in the museum throws light on the preservation of indigenousculture by the Canadian government.The Linguistic department of Canada has classified the aboriginallanguages of Canada into eleven families. Six of these languages arc foundin the comparatively small area west of the Rocky mountains, three an onthe Prairies, only two families occur east of Lake Winnipeg, and one exists

in the Artic. in pre-historic times many more languages were spoken.Languages classified in the same "family" have descended from a commonancestral language. The fact that seven of the eleven indigenous lang~~efamilies are found in British Columbia suggests that it is the linguisticallyold area. As fur trade moved from the eastern seaboard to the Great Lakebasin and onto the western plains, many French-speaking men establishedstable unions with Amerindian women. From these kinship ties the furtrade and military alliances, a 'new people' the Metis, emerged. Theirlanguage, Michif was originally a mixture of French and Algonkian.Documents relating to language of the First Nations were got from theNational Archives of Canada special Linguistic cell.From Pondich6ry Archives the importance of the language Tamil thatwas the medium of communication among the trading class in Pondichcry,trade documents in Persian from the Mughal emperor and Frenchdocuments used by the French traders is studied. English was the commonlanguage among the educated Indians and Indian accountants kept allaccounts of the French in English that showed a bilingual coexistence.The Libraries that the researcher has used to collect secondarymaterials, in India are - Oriental sources like the Diaries of Ananda RangaPilla and Occidental sources like J. Bemiers Travels in the Mughal EmpireA.D. 1656-1668, travelogues of Abbe Carres and I. B. Taverniers werecollected from Ananda Ranga Pillai Cenhal Library and Department ofHistory Canadian Studies Library of Pondich6ry University; RomaineRolland Library situated at Beach road and Tagore Arts College Library inLawspet. From New Delhi the Teen Murti Memorial Library and Museum;sap^ House Library and Shastri-Indo Canadian Institute of CanadianStudies Library at Bhai Vir Singh Marg, New Delhi sources have beencollected. Sources collected from Canada are- University of OttawaLibrary, Institute of Canadian Studies Documentation Center, Ottawa,

Department of History and Political Science Library of Ottawa University;National Library of Canada, Ottawa, Public Library of Canada; Universityof Calgary Library and Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute Library at Calgaryand McGill University Library at Montreal.Mini Thomas

TABLES WITH DATES OF EVENTS OF QUEBEC ANDPONDICHERRY1608 Q~ebec founded1 1605 Jahangir ruler of Mugha1 Empire1615 Recollet (Huron) Mission I 1617Jean Pepin Voyage St. Malo Cornpan)1625 Jessmt Missions1639 Madras site to English1627 Cornpan! oflea France 1659 ~ugangzeb, Mogul Emperor1629-)2 Quebec occupied1664 Co.des lndes OrientalesI Foreign trading posts1639 arrival of Ursuliness and ( I666 comptoir at SuratHospitallers1642 ..Montreal founded 1 1669 Hindu religion prohibitedPost at ~ k u l k m1659 Msgr Lava1 arrives1674 French established a loge in 1674 -1663 Roval Rovernment Sovereign 1703 Village of Kalawt obtained by Fran~ois. . . 1664 Company des lndes OccidentalCustom of Paris instituted1669 militia organised1673 Ft. Frontenac (La Salle)1676 Urban regulations- I Martin f;om ~awab ~awood Khan 1representative to obtain timber fiom forestssurrounding it for construction of houses inPondichery town.1706 Ozhukarai group of village's annualrevenue amounted to one thousand pagodas.Murungappakkam,Olandai,Pakkamudi yanpetwere got by the French1740 Villages of Theduvanatham, Archivak(Abhiskekapakkam), Odiyampanu andTirukkanji were gifted to Dumas theGovernor of PondichCry by Nawab Safdar Ali1750 Victory of Ambur, Musafar Jungconfirmed grant of Villiyanur and 36 villagesof Bahur. The posts were brought up to thePonnaiyar.1751 Pondichdry and dependencies seized byEnglish under admiaral Boscawen1761 BritishcapturedPondichkry1681 Trading permission to bringorder in competitive tradeI1686 French take Hudson Bay 1 1763 Treaty of Paris and Pondichery givenback to ~rench1687 Denoville attacks Iroquois1690 Phips' besieges Quebec

1701 Treaty of MontrealEnd of Iroquois warsLouisiana colongy founded1706 State sponsored shipyard171 1 Walker expedition1713 metissaee discovered 1~ureau-des PauvresRoyal shipyards, iron foundry1746 D' Anville expeditionI

Chapter lIntroduction to French Colonial Legacy in Pondichbryand Qubbec: A Comparative StudyPondichery and New France were settled by the French in theseventeenth century and became colonies that were both similar anddissimilar. For the purpose of this study my research is limited toPondichery and its relations with the metropole and with other Indianoutposts, and the research on New France to the lower St. Lawrencevalley between the towns of Quebec and Montreal, a regioncommonly known in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as~anada.' This major sector of New France exploited the 'uppercountry," the great Lakes basin and hinterland, from whence theFrench colony obtained its furs and its First Nations allies. TheFrench colony came to be known, as Nouvelle France comprising ofAcadia, provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and PrinceEdward Islands. There were two distinct regions one the colony inthe lower St. Lawrence Valley and along the Bay of Fundy, and theother the extensive lands belonging to the First Nations.IHenceforth will be referred as New France as this thesis deals with preconfederation period of Canadian history.

The chronology of my study presented certain difficulty whichwas resolved by considering New France from its origins to UleBritish conquest in 1763 and French Pondichbry from 1664 to 1764oniyto avoid anachronism. When the French arrived at ~odouke'they found a village with a thriving textile Industry and organisedgovernment3 as the Dutch did have a proper set up of collecting ofrevenue etc. When Champlain arrived at the site of the future townof Qubbec in 1608, he found only a deserted promontory at anarrowing of the St. Lawrence River where fresh water replaced saltyseawater. At what became the capital of the colony of New Francehe built a modest habitation to serve as headquarters for thecommercial comptoir his financial backers were anxious to establishto pursue the fur trade. In time, a few settlers arrived to provide anagricultural support base in commercial exploitation.Podovke was the historic name of the village located about two miles from thecenter of modern Pondichdly. Archeological excavation at Arikemedu proves thatPondlchery used to be a large port in ant~quity. Reference to Podouke is given inG.W.6 Hunt~ngford, The Periolus of Ewthraen SQ (London: The Haklaryt Society,1980),p 54 It is recognised as an important work for identifying Pondichdly withPodouke.Pondichbry cannot be called a town even though Me teXtih business wasflourishing since the Dutch had established the handloam industly. It remained avillage till the French built a fort and it emerged as a town with urban features.

The French settled down in these areas and had trading Posts*which later became large settlement areas, like in Karaikal wherethere were 81 main revenue-generating villages. Mahe, which is inthe present day a part of the Union Territory of Pondichbry, had largevillages with fertile agricultural fields. From Yanam (constituted offew villages but had a flourishing trade), and Chandranagore(epicentre of trade for France) in Bengal the raw materials in theform of fine cotton were brought into Pondichery for dying especiallyinto indigo blue colour. All the areas the French chose were coastalregions and provided excellent natural harbours and trade went onsmoothly. in the areas selected by them they had an excellentinland trade route and this provided an excellent source of transportof goods to Pondichbry from where these goods were taken tovarious parts of the world. The villages acquired by the Frenchbrought in the much-needed revenue for the sustenance of the largeFrench army and the Governor in Pondichbry.In New France by1750 meanwhile about 50,000 French lived in the riverine colony,between Montreal and Qubbec.The Amerindian people in thiscolony known collectively as the Seven Fires of Canada, lived inseven reductions, seigneuries administered by missionaries andlocated in the vicinity of the three principal towns.

Both colonies began as commercial comptoirs of monopol~companies: The Compagnie des lndes Orientales at Pondichlry andthe Compagnie de la Nouvelle-Fmnce succeeded by the Compagniedes lndes Occidentales in New France. The Compagnie des lndesOrientales and Compagnie de la NouvelleFmnce were united in1719 under the title Compagnie des Indes. The St. Lawrence valleydeveloped slowly as an area of French immigrants engaged inagriculture and townspeople engaged in commerce and domesticmanufacture. Pondichery on the other hand, attracted only limitedFrench immigration and the authorities invited Indian merchants toestablish their enterprises in the town.Another similarity between the two colonies was the Frenchsense of superiority over the First Nation and Pondicherriansculturally, if not racially, while maintaining due respect for Nativerights and their usefulness in 'maintaining a French foothold on thecontinent.' At Pondichery the French town was laid out in 'such afashion as to segregate the indigenous Indian settlement from theFrench quarters, its administrative, commercial, cultural and religiousinstitutions.' In towns like Quebec and Montreal no such segregationwas required, the First Nation having been drawn into the Frenchoccupied countryside nearly on seductions. However, there was a

marked social distinction evident in each town, most notably atQuebec with its Upper and Lower Towns.At Pondichdry the upper caste Pondicherrians, especially theBrahmins, regarded the French as inferior and avoided socialinteraction with them as much as possible. All foreigners wereconsidered ~lechas' by the upper caste Indians. However, theIndian trading class and the nobility mingled freely with the French asthey had much to gain from mutual interaction. The French neededthem to be intermediaries and the Indian merchants needed theFrench to continue their trade. The nawabs needed the help of theFrench military, which gave them the much-needed security in caseof war with the neighbouring areas. The French nobility and theimportant officials were invited on certain occasions, especially whenthere was marriage ceremony of the trading class called the chetis,religious ceremonies (not in temples where the actual worship washeld) naming of the child, the last funeral rites ceremony where lunchor dinner included European dishes. The Governor, his family andthe nobles of the court were invited to partake of the food providedduring these ceremonies.Mlechas was a term used right from ancient times in lndia to denote any foreignerconsidered as untouchables. It was first uwi for the Grwks who came to Indiaduring the tlme of Mauryan rule.

Missionary work in the two colonies followed different coursesas well. in New France, the First Nations were regarded as barbaricsavages having little religious foundation on which to build a CatholicChurch.In Pondichbry the missionaries encountered highlydeveloped religion, as well as some animists and the occasionalChristians.Christianity was a religion in other parts of Indiaespecially South India. This was because it was believed that SaintThomas had landed in lndia in A.D 52 in Cranganore in Kerala andspread the Good News to the people of Southern India, there is nowritten evidence regarding this. Probably it is faith that continued,regarding the coming of St. Thomas to India. This was followed bythe arrival of Vaso da Gama, the Portuguese explorer to India. Lateron the missionaries who came were able to convert the Indians inQuiion, Cochin the Malabar region of Kerala in the isrn century.Christianity might appeal to the untouchables (now referred to asDalits in the Indian context) as a liberating faith but Hinduismprovided a greater challenge. So it was that some missionariesdeveloped syncretic rituals to entice converts.However for French Pondichbry Christianity was somethingnew. In 1642 the Jesuits came to Pondichbry on the invitation ofFranpis Martin the Governor. He wanted the Capuchins to comefrom Madras to Pondichery to start religious discourses. The Jesuits

in their zeal to proselytize persecuted the Kaikolas or the weavingcommunity who had settled in Pondichbry on the request of theGovernor Franpis Martin. In 1693 Franpis Martin wrote about theactivities of the Jesuits in Pondichbry to the Board of Directors of theCompagnie des lndes Orientalas. He did not want to lose the trust ofthe Kaikolas, as the weaving industry would be affected. WhenFrangois Martin died in 1706 the Jesuits entered the temples andperformed unholy activities in the eyes of the Pondicherrianpopulation. Only after the French King ordered them not to enter thetemple premises and desecrate it did they stop their activities. Theywere also ordered not to harm the local people. In 1748 the Jesuitsdestroyed the famous Vedabhudeshwara temple of Karaikal. It isbelieved that this destruction was initiated with the help of JeanneDupleix, the wife of the Governor Dupleix.The famous diaristAnanda Ranga Pillai, who was the Dubash of Governor Dupleix,recorded the destruction of the temples.A peculiar feature of Christianity in Pondichbry was that thePondicherrians who converted still followed the caste system. Evenin the churches there was segregation of the left hand and right handclasses. The lower castes were assigned the last seats and had tokeep themselves away from the higher castes.The concept ofequality before God did not bring the converted population of

Pondichbry together. There were quarrels and fights among theconverts and the higher caste Hindus looked down upon theChristian converts. New France also experienced problems in thewake of conversion. In New France however there was no occasionfor segregation in the churches because the converted First Nationshad their own churches or chapels on the reductions where theylived.Religious freedom was allowed by the French Company, inPondichery but interference in the form of various rules started withthe coming of Governor Duliever. Governor Duliever did not allowany processions and religious functions within the fort. Fortnightsbefore Easter all processions and functions were banned in andaround the fort area. On Sundays no songs or instruments could beplayed outside the forts, as it would disrupt mass in the churches.The Pondicherrians were not allowed to wear shoes or slippersinside the fort area. They had to keep their hats off when enteringthe fort.This curtailment of religious freedom along with otherfreedoms resulted in discontentment that gave rise later to thestruggle for freedom from the French rule.In New France allProtestant worship was strictly prohibited and penalties wereimposed on business that remained open during the hours of divineservice or on holy days.

In both colonies, French males greatly outnumbered theirfemale counterpart in the early decades of settlement; Companyofficials adopted a policy of assimilation through intemarriage.Missionaries found the policy dangerous in as much as the Metispopulation tended to be less French and Christian than they hoped.The mixed blood population, intended to bind First Nation andimmigrant peoples, was often relegated to inferior occupation andlooked down upon by both the French and the indigenouspopulation. The children born to French parents were called Creolesand Metis. Later on this term was applied to the children of mixedorigin.There were also the French who were called Gens deChapeau or ~opas'. At the death of Franqois Martin in 1706 therewere just one hundred Topas in PondichBry.In PondichbtyGovernor Dupleix favoured the promotion of mixed blood individualsin colonial commerce but in New France Champlain and the Jesuitmissionaries encouraged intemarriage in the early seventeenthcentury but in 1705 Governor Vaudreuil forbade 'all Frenchmen,soldiers or others, to marry Native women until we have orden fromThose French who wore the hat in Pondichbry. Pondicherriens a h wore hatsbut were not allowed to wear them in the vicinity of the twin area and in the officialbuildings of the French. They had to remove the hat in the presence of theoff~cials.

the Court [Venailles] on the matter."6 In 1735, the Council of Marineforbade these mixed marriages as dishonourable 'and likely toproduce unruly offspring. In 1749 the grounds that mixed marriageswere 'pernicious to the state and useless to religion.' Missionarieswere not to perform marriage ceremonies without the permission ofmilitary post commanders.'In reality, the mixed blood population in Pondlchery and NewFrance continued to increase despite official views. The pro and conof such relationships are more difficult than racial distinctions withthe caste system at Pondichbry.Even converts to Catholicisminsisted that a wall should separate the right hand and left handclasses in the Church. The Catholic Vellalas received the patronageof the French Governor.They enjoyed a secular hierarchycompared to the Hindu Vellalas. This difference was only in theurban areas as in the hinterland the Hindu Vellalas occupied animportant position.In New France the indigenous nations wereorganised into missions according to language.At Hanesetake(Olka) the Algonkians and Iroquois each had their own missionary.' National Archives of Canada (ANC), MG 1, Series F3, Vaudreuil to La MotheCadillac, 20 June 1706 Vo1.9, Part 1, p.7.Honouris Prevost, 'Mariagas on th4 Canadiens st Sawages.' Bulletin deRecherche6 Historiaueg, Vol. LIV (1948), pp. 46-57.

The French in Pondichbry maintained a well-trained army,which could defend the trading posts. There was a large numberinvolved, which is why there was the need to keep them on a properpayroll, and supplying of adequate food was challenging for theauthorities. The military garrisons were stationed near the fort andwere well disciplined. The continuous threat from the British and theIndian rulers who were opposing the rule of the foreignerr kept theFrench military alert.There were many expeditions against theBritish undertaken by the French governors Mahe La Bourdanaiswho was the commander-in-chief in two expeditions. San Thomewas captured by the French from the British but was given back indue course to the British.Governor Dupieix even paid the soldiers out of his savingswhen the finances that were sent from France were late. He hadmoney that could be circulated for such purposes, a solid proof of hisindulgence in private trade that provided the necessary money incase of such emergencies. Moreover, during the time of Dupleix,France sent less financial support to its colonies as the Kingexpected them to manage with the money made in the trade andtaxes collected. In the case of New France there was no need for alarge military force to be stationed in Qubbac. The numban werefew and the forces included the Canadian militiamen and war parties

of First Nations who had the birch bark canoe that cut Ulrough thewaters at a fast pace. The wars in seventeenth century New Francewere with other First Nations, especially the Iroquois and the English.Closely related to assimilationist objectives, missionary workand social interaction were intended to bind Pondicherrians and FirstNation. French schools and colleges were erected in the colonies.In New France, the Ursuline Nuns arrived in 1639 to teach girls anda Jesuit College for boys, which was opened in 1663. A seminary forsecular priests was built in order to continue this approach.InPondichOry a Jesuit College opened in 1703 and the Ursuline nunsarrived to offer education to the girls especially in crafts, domesticwork, housekeeping etc, whereas for the boys it was vocationalstudies in 1738. The Ursuline nuns were very aggressive in theirapproach to the Governor Dumas. When a part of the allocatedamount was not given to them they voiced their opinion against himand his private trade. As a result the sisters were deported toFrance. In New France, interested schoolmasters and Sisters of theCongregation went into rural areas to teach both boys and girls onan irregular basis. No such attempt at mass education developed atPondichbry where matters were further complicated by rivalrybetween Portuguese and French religious authorities on the Indiansub continent.

In both New France and Pondichbly however the authoritiesfelt a need for a military hospital. The Ursuline sisters that treatedthe wounded soldiers ran it in Pondich4ry. Dupleix gave land grantsto the hospitals that made it possible to continue with the treatmentof the soldiers.There was also a General French hospital inPondichery run by the Capuchin clergy. The local population ofPondichery went to the medicine man (naat vaidayan) for traditionalcure. The French and the Creole population could get treatmentfrom the military hospitals and from the Capuchin Fathers. SistersHospitallesrs arrived at Quebec in 1639 and established a hospitalfor military and naval personnel, financed by the King, but alsoadmitted colonists and the few First Nations who ventured to trustFrench medical treatment. It is in the light of all these comparativeaspects that the thesis is developed.The thesis work is divided into seven chapters and introductionforms the first chader.The second chaDter is on TheoreticalAspects of French Colonlsation of Quebec and Pondichhry anddeals with theoretical aspect of colonisation and the impact on thelives of the aboriginal population of both New France andPondichery. The French choice of St. Lawrence Valley in Canadaand Pondichery as trading posts resulted in the establishment ofcolonies by the French. The French faced a cold winter in Qu6bec

where for the first time a trading post was established. The harshwinter but strategic location for trade made the French to decide onQuebec as the first centre. There was very little doubt about therichness of the land that was available for settlement along the St.Lawrence River. Certainly as far as the necessities of life wereconcerned there were abundant food for the settler who could adjusthimself to the severe winters, and could handle plough, axe and gun.In Pondichery the French faced continuous threats from the Britishand Dutch. Despite this the French were able to establish a tradingpost and continue trade with various parts of the world.TheCompany rule was beneficial because the officers of the Companyand the Governors earned a lot in the form of trade. Trade with thehelp of intermediatories (who were the local trading group) and goodinternal links made the French excel in their relationship with thenatives of Pondichbly.The French were eager to learn the secrets of the First Nationsregarding medicine, herbs, plants and flowersa This was becausethe French in Canada suffered from scurvy and other disease thatthe First Nations did not suffer. As such the First Nations taught themethod of boiling pieces of birch bark and drinking to control scurvy.Virgil J. Vogel. American Indian MediinQ. Norman: University of OklahamaPress, 1970, pp. 8.10.

@This saved the lives of the Frenchmen and retain health despite coldwinter and thereby survival rate increased. The French utilised themethod of irrigation that the people of Malabar had to grow manyherbs and plants in ~alacca.' It was in Malacca where the Frenchestablished a botanical garden apart from Paris.From Pondichewthe French took the idea of planting acacia, from MalabarMangostene, and timber-producing trees were taken to the botanicalgarden in Malacca. W~th the development of botanical garden inMalacca by the French, slaves and oxen import doubled. Slaveswere needed to fell timber; build boats from the timber collected anddo the gardening work and oxen to carry the load from one place toanother. In PondichBty the French grew trees in the Kalapet regionand used the timber to build houses and store houses.The jhird chaDter reflects on The Beginning of commerceand missionary work as an effective method of colonlsatlon andlooks into the socio-economic relations between the nativepopulation of Pondichety and the First Nations of New France. Furtrade of New France that was the initial motor of French expansionthroughout North America and textile trade with the PondicherriansR~chard H. Groove.E d e n J w (hqlhi: CamWge U.P.,1995)

are looked in detail. The expansion of trade and territory Of tradeand settlement, fur traders relied upon free First Nations labour, thetrade had often been thought of as a partnership is critically h kedinto. It should emphasise the cost of partnership for the First Nationsoutweighed the benefits. The same in case of French Pondichbry,monopoly over trade, the indirect cost of trade with the French thewFirst Nations and the Pondicherrians did reali~e~in the form ofdisease. Why did the fur trade become so central to all aspects oflife in New France? Why did textile industry thrive during the Frenchrule in Pondichery and the benefit that the French had as a result ofthis? it is recorded that the Muthialpet region of Pondichbry wasfamous not only for dying of textiles brought from various part ofFrench colonies but emerged as the best cotton textile-weavingcentre also. Checked cloth of Pondichery became famous in Europe.Bales of indigo blue textiles were loaded from Muthialpet and takenby road to the port of Pondichery and loaded into ships to Malacca.The records of shipments sent from Pondichbry to various partsshows that a thriving business was going on for quite a long time. Allthese became dull with the increased competition from the machinemade textiles which the British in the eighteenth century.What didthe French do with the profits earned from the trade? Was it divertedfor the economic development of Pondichbry? Was there anychange in the live styles of the local Pondicherrians?

Did a structure emerge in Pondichbry of an urban culture? Theterm urbain for the first time was used at the London Congress of1910, denoting of the technical, administrative, economic and socialmeasures underlying the harmonious, rational and humandevelopment of agglomerations. Such measures whose purpose isto improve inhabitants' well being and found in the techniques andideas put fonvard by the administration. Theorists and engineen ofthe seventeenth century feel this is the explanation given tourbanism. This form of town planning that was born in Europe andreached its peak in France, was transmitted to the colony, whereadministrative and commercial regulations at least to its presenceparticularly in Quebec.Qubbec in 1660-1690 became the oldestsettlement to reach maturity in New France. It became the capital,the seat of government and the colony's religious, cultural, economicand military core.A town planning to regulate Pondichbry and make it the capitalof French rule in India also underwent lots of calculation andplanning. The French did the planning during different periods as theconstant clash with the British left them with rectifying the aftermathsof the capture of Pondichery. It became a safe fort only after propermilitary garrison was established within the fort of Pondichery andgates were build to regulate flow of people into Pondichbry from four

sides. Good relationship with the Indian rulers and nobility providedthem the standing army needed to maintain the forts. AS Such thegates and the forts were always protected against attack from theenemies. Within the fort the whole town was divided into varioussegments and a resemblance of little France can be seen in the waythe town is planned.The researcher in this chapter answers allthese questions and the need of the plans to build the fort. How didthe administration of Pondichbry go on within the fort and who werethe Indian nobles who supported the French rule in India?In order to establish a good social rapport with the localpopulation nursing and teaching sisters were Sent out as early as1639 to New France. Seminaries for secular clergy were opened inMontrbal and Qubbec. Their crowning achievement appeared to bethe Christian utopian settlement of Ville-Marie (1642), although thecentre later developed into materialistic and military Montrbal. Thesepious pioneers often possessed a shrewd sense of business. InPondichbry missionary activities continued from the time the Frenchsettled in Pondichery probably because of the Jesuit interference inthe local set up. This was also because of the competition that theFrench had in religious matters. The local faith of the people werevery strong to be taken for a ride, as such the establishment of a

Church and conversion activities went at a slower pace than in anypart of the world.In the case of First Nations there was conversion andrbsistance because their myths and traditions were clashing with theFrench.The First Nations and the Pondicherrians understoodconservation of the forest and ecosystem and this became a part oftheir religion, this was looked down by the missionaries who tried topropagate that there is only one God and nature is for the benefit ofmankind's use. The missionary sisters and priests on teachingmissions tried to educate the First Nations. In 1632 the recollectswere concerned with works among the Huron. They establishedschools on the Seigneuries in order to make a change in lives of thechildren. This attempt proved to be very futile as very few girls orboys wanted to be like the French or adopt their culture. It wasconfining them into a culture where they dld not belong to as suchthey were revolting against it In many ways.Pondicherriansbenefited in many ways from the missionaries but it did not totallychange their belief system or bring about a full developmenteconomically.The fourth cha~ter Quebec and Pondlch6ry an urban fortcity of the French deals with the development of a structured town

in the form of Quebec and PondichBry.The whole concept ofurbanisation with regard to the fort city of Pondichbry and QuBbecare looked in detail. Within the towns of New France IoCdl culturewas subordinated to external influences. Metropolitan fashions werefollowed In Quebec and Louisburg and the concern of the authoritieswith fire prevention imposed a stylistic discipline on urban housing.The massive fire gables and the tall, broad chimneys could not beascribed to the builders fancy except when these forms appeared inthe countryside In the eighteenth century. What was functional in thecity had become fashionable among the rural folk. The number andsize of stone dwelling increased in proportion to the prosperity of thecolonies and the stability of New France. The number of urbanhouses built of stone became notable in the 1680's.At the conceptual level there was not a perfect match betweenthe kind of colonial town that Quebec was and towns or cities inFrance. Certain traits were common to both. Quebec was Orst andforemost a Catholic capital in a Catholic colony, but it was also atown of refuge, a military town with garrison of its own. What wasthe purpose for building the fort towns and the need to establish'empire system' both in India and in New France by the French is9critically observed. Why the Quebec settlemen{d~vided on the basisof the class and this system is visible even today. This is the same

as in Pondichbry where different streets and areas were identifiedwith different classes of people living. This marks the difference inattitude among the Europeans with the aboriginals. French Quebecdid not follow a secular attitude and neither did French Pondichbry.A sort of Catholic state was what the French tried to establish butfailed in their attempt because in both places the resistance of theindigenous people were strong.The fifth cha~ter on the Agriculture pattern in New Franceand Pondichery is a culmination of the prevailing agricultural patternin New France and in Pondichery that the French adopted in order tosubstantiate their trade. The relationship between the tenant andtheir colonial masters and the real interest of the French indeveloping agriculture is cross-examined in this chapter.Theagricultural pattern in Pondichbry was closely connected to the policyof assimilation.The village community was bund togethereconomically on the basis of traditional occupations and as suchagriculture was in the hand of one community. The producer and theowner of the land being two different communities.With theCompany rule the French bought lands from the Pondicherrians andgave it to the tenants for cultivation or plantation depending on thearea.importance were given to the planting of cash crops likeacacia, coconut, betel leaves, plantain, paddy, mangosthene, cotton,

indigo, groundnut, corn and millet. In New France wheat, rye, paddy,flax, corn, squash, beans were all grown by the First nations. Therewere few missionary groups who did the cultivation on smaller scale.Fur, cod fisheries and fish were the main items on which the Frenchearned a lot.It is interesting to note that in Qubbec First Nation womenworked along with the men, in fact women did most of the hard worklike skinning and drying the hides and stitching the furs, in caw ofPondichbry the Pondicherrian women helped in paddytransplantation, trussing the grain during the season, cuttingsugarcane, collecting clay to make pots, weaving, gutting fish andselling them were considered to be a women's job. This does notmean that women of both places lived a sad life, they learned tocompromise with the situation, probably because the concepts offeminism had not emerged in their consciousness until much later.This also came from European women and not the aboriginal thatdepicts the difference in their life styles. This researcher brings inthe difference of the outlook of the First Nations and Indian women inthe particular century and identifies a matriarchal society among fewof the First Nations.

In the pixth cha~ter French Mllitary and Industries inPondlchery and Quebec the rob of warfare, the need to havemilitary set ups, development of artillery, gun foundries etc. and theneed of the French to maintain military garrisons are examined.According to anthropologist Bruce G. Trigger, native alliances in thenortheast did not nece~sarily require allies to aid their partners inwar; however, in the case of the early French traders, the desire tosecure such alliance against interference by competitors led toFrench participation in the conflicts of their Algonkin and Huronal~ies.'~ The commercial alliance was overlaid with common causein warfare. With the territorial and demographic expansion of theFrench agricultural settlement and the imposition of royal rule in1663, the French left off performing as auxiliaries in Native conflictsand became a potentially significant military force unto them.Nonetheless, for this fragile colony, security and economic survival-especially in the face of English expansionismdepended largelyupon alliances and diplomacy with Amerindians.In New France the local manufacturing was discouraged inorder to encourage the metropolitan markets flourishing. The'" Bruce G Trigger. Natives and New Cwnmen: Canadas' 'Heroic Ape'175, 186-187(Montreal and Kingston: Mc GilMuwns' University Press, 1985) P.

colonies provided with the raw materials needed and an exceptionwas made with regard to shipyard and an iron foundry in Quebec.What was the purpose for this exception is based on the availabilityof raw materials within the area as such transportation cost wasreduced. Timber was produced in the forest of St. Lawrence andcarted to make the ships. The shipyard however did not produceany ships for war because all the vessels for war were producedfrom timber of Malacca's in Malacca ibelf. The mercantile policyworked in favour of the colonial merchants because they did nothave to bear any high-risk facts if the products are manufacturedwithin their own reach. The crown subsidised local enterprise likebrewing, soap manufacturing, slate quarrying, and hemp cultivationand potash production."Foundries were needed to produce thenecessary tools for manufacturing of items of war. In Pondichery theFrench within the fort had set up a large-scale production ofgunpowder factory. Guns were produced in large scale and thesewere sold to the Indian rulers and in return they got the soldiers ofIndian origin with technical skill in archery and horse riding.The seventh cha~ter of the thesis is Conclusion of the thesisand brings out the findings as to why a biracial colony emerge in" Jean Harnelon. $conornie ef SociBt.3 en Nouveele Franca (Qubbec: PmssesUn~versiteires'de Lava, 1460)

Pondichery and Quebec peopled by Europeans and Indians.Incase of Quebec the Upper town people of all races dominated but inthe lower town of Quebec it was solely one race 1.e. the French. Theresearcher looks into the fact as to why the national consciousnessemerged during the early sixteenth century among the French. Themercantile policy of France affecting the economic administration ofNew France and Pondichbry, the theories and reality of the monetarypolicy of New France, and the way in which France exploited NewFrance and Pondichery to produce products beneficial for the motherCountry is dealt with in this chapter. There in lies the whole conceptof assimilation that the French monarch and the Company rulersfollowed in both places.

Chapter llTheoretical Aspects of French Colonisation of Quebecand PondlchbryFrench concept of colonisation is very different from that of theEnglish or any other Europeans powers. In the Encyclopaedia ofBritannica itself a very clear-cut definition of colonisation is givenespecially about the French and English.According to theBritannica France believed in a colonisation process that made thecolony as part of the mother country. Everything came under thepurview of the church as the King came under it. In the case ofEngland colony was treated as having a separate identity that wasinferior in all ways.Thus assimilation or mixing with the nativepopulation of any kind was not tolerable. The French followed apolicy of assimilating the colonies, as this would give them lessburden in enforcing their policies.The French were the fint who led expeditions and voyages i~;search of new lands in present day Canada as called in the modernday and they were the first to establish their sovereignty. This isquite in contrast to Pondichbry in India as the French was the last to

28establish their power and control among all the other Europeanpowers. French concentrated on expansion of power, over areasthat were difficultto access and as such were able to reap thebenefit of the fur, fish and cod trade that developed.The extensive landmass of New France made them encounterthe Basque fishermen, Breton, Normans who were harvesting thecods to supply to Catholic countries.These fishermen with theirfishing vesseis also used the French Atlantic ports.The privateentrepreneurs fitted French fishing vesseis to New France forcatching fish and especially cod. Extensive trade despite loss at seaof crew, the catch, and religious war at home did not deter themerchants in slowing down of trade. Trade in this pattern went on tillthe late sixteenth century without the backing of the crown, nobility orreiigious orders of any kind. Trade did not limit to cod or fish butwent on to walrus tusks and hide. Like whale blubber of walrus wasutilized by turning it into oil that was mainly used to coat theunderside of the fishing vesseis in order to float smoothly in thewater. l2 As the fishery developed and along with it anothercharacteristic developed as a result of it and that was the emergenceOf Protestant merchants and groups as the leading entrepreneurs in"Further information available in Farley Mavat, & & ?(Toronto:McClelland & Stewan, 1985)

29trade especially in new foundland.Calvinist and the Lutherans alsoplayed a very prominent role in promotion of the economic activitiesof New France despite the fact that they were religious minorities.13All these details did have importance because it was the Protestantsin New France first undertook coionisation and in the case ofPondichery Franpois Martin who was able to buy Pondichery was aCatholic. This difference is because of the time period as one wasin 1508 and the other 1664 when Catholicism was dominant religionin France.The ideological background for the French contact with thenative Amerindiansq4 and their reaction is documented in the work ofCornelius J. Jaenen The French Relationship With The NativePeoples Of New France And Acadia. The first document availabledating the contact of the French with the Newfoundland dates backas early as 1504.15 Several years earlier however, the cod from theNewfoundland and furs from the North America were being traded in'' Cornelius J. Jaenen, New France to 1760, (Pondicherry: Department of History,1997) p. 5'' Cornelius J. Jaenen, The French Reiationshi~ ah m e Native PeoplesNewFrance And Acadie (Ottawa: Research Branch Indian and Northern AffairsCanada, 1984) p. 1.j5 ibid., p.1.

30the French ports especially at ~ouen." Whatever was known was bythe way of the fishing contacts, and from the Spaniards and thePortuguese navigators. The Renaissance promoted a spirit ofquestioning all aspects of life that gave rise to new theoriesregarding the history and the contacts with the indigenous peoples.However, the speculation about the indigenous peopleinhabiting the Newfound lands, the New World as perceived by theFrench, resulted in a wide range of opinions."The indigenouspeople were speculated as representative of the mythical characters,"half human half beast." However, Pope Paul Ill in the bull of 1537affirmed that they were 'truly men' capable of understanding themysteries of the Catholic re~igion.'~ There were various opinionscirculating about the New France and Newfoundland as therediscovered Garden of Eden, The French settlement in the tropicalzone of America in the sixteenth century fitted well into thisconceptual framework. Tupinamba tribesmen were brought to'' Cornelius J. Jaenen,France And Acadia p. 1I7 Anionelli Garbi, The Disnute of the New World. The HistoN of a Polemic. 1750-(Pinsburgh: University of Pinsburgh PMSIL, 1973)" Cornelius J. Jeenen, The French Relationahin Wth The Native Peonles Of Npy!France And Acadi~. p. 2

31France, decked out in their scant and brightly coloured featherycostumes, to perform at Court, at public festivals and Churchservices.' The north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence because of itsrocky barren lands was considered under satanic dominion.Jacques Cartier described it as "the land God gave to Caln." It couldproduce neither bread nor wine essential for Christian worship.''Jacques Cartier was the first French Protestant to establish afoothold in New France. He contacted the different First Nationsalong the shore of Gulf of St. Lawrence and wanted to discover fromthem the whereabouts of possible areas where gold could be found.Cartier believed he discovered diamond and gold and he found that itwas only iron pyrites and mica chips he returned to Francedisheartened.He did not give any help to the inexperiencedRobewal who came to settle people in New France.European intellectuals at the time of first contact with thenatives were considering the effect of environment on the humantemperament. That is why they started formulating the theory thatthe lives of the natives are governed by this factor so much that it'' Cornelius J. Jaenen, The French relations hi^ With The Native Peo~les Of NewFrance And Acadia p. 2-3, These various speculations are developed further in'France's America and American Indians: images and mality,'JiistoNof Euro~esnW, Voi. 6, No. 4 (1985), pp. 405420.

can be seen in their way of lie. This was probably because theylived as part of the nature, as nature had created them. Many of themissionaries believed that it was impossible to convert them as theywere quite coarse in their behaviour but it was at the same time achallenge to them.There were two types of opinion prevailingamong the scholars in France. One was that the First Nations werenoble savages that gave them a place in their history, and the otherthey were the wild half beast-half man that gave them the mysticalcharacteri~tic.~~ This encouraged the novelists and literary exponentsto let their imagination run wild and write about such people whobecame live characters in their work.The entry of France into Americas in the sixteenth centurycoincided with a significant shift in French nationalsentiment and this would have its effect on both Frenchand the Native 'Nations'.Historians had traditionallyidentified the motherland with the dynasty, but as the resultof forty years of devastating religious wars (1559-1598)there developed a sense of national identity which couldbe termed as 'French', as opposed to Burgundian, Gason.Norman or Breton. The French rediscovered their Gallicorigin so to Spak and attempted to reconcile this with theFrankish origins of their monarchy.Francois Connanelaborated an ingenious thesis of the Gallic origins ofCornelius J. Jaenen. The French Relotionshio Wilh The Native Pwok Of NewFrance And Acadiap. 4

Frankish law and feudalism, which gained widespreadacceptance when supported by such eminent scholars asJean Bodin and the cosmographer Francois de Belleforest.The kingdom was seen as a sort of mystical bodyembracing king and subjects, or a sovereign communitysanctioned by God and the law of nature."National consciousness increased as the exploitation andcolonisation procedure of the Newfoundland fishing banks and theCanadian fur trade developed into settlement and evangelisation ofthe native peoples.22 In the sixteenth century French attempt tosettle down in the St. Lawrence region and in Quebec the first fortwas built as a sign.'King Francis i in justifying the French intrusion into theNew World, which with papal sanction had been dividedbetween the crowns of Spain and Portugal, appealed toFrance's mission to Christianise and dvilie the Nativepeoples and dismissed IMan dalms with the challenges" Cornelius J Jmnen, The French Relatiinshb PeoDles Of NewFrence And Acadh, p. 4 me cruic atudm of thew economic aspects remain,Harold A Innis, The.Cod F&M. The Hitow of an International Economy.(Toronto: Ryerson P w, 1940) and The Fur Trade m Cam& (New Haven: YaleUniversily Press, 1930). It b a great tribute to his historical scholarsh~p that thewremain key studies after more than a half Century.. , .'? Corneliw J. ~renan, WW Na we Pmies Of NewFrance And wig, p. 5

'show ma Adam's will". The missiona~ subsequentlyhad a hand in fmulaCng wlonising theory and providedpropaganda not only for their evangeiising efforts but alsofor the charter companies, which exploited the furresources of the continent in return for the obligation topopulate and govern the vast region.This linkagebetween commerce, conversion and colonisation remainedan impartant characteristic of the French approach to theNew W~rld.~'Initially, merchants and explorers visited parts of Canada andparts of India in search of new lands and wealth. A reference ismade in Marcel Trudels book 'The Beginning of New France" that amerchant of Rouen Etienne Bellenger who travelled into CapeBreton and from there into interior region where he saw housesmade of bark. He was able to barter some of his trinkets like cap,knife, axe etc. worth forty dollar with the inmates of the house hesaw. In return he got beaver, otter, marten furs that was dressedand painted on the inside. This voyage was considered importantbecause he brought back meticulous description of the cost up toBay of Fundy. In France merchants, who jointly invested in the" Comeliur J. Jwnen, French &l&mhi~ Wdh me Native Peocllar Of NewFrance And w, p. 5

35venture, or later, by the King who sponsored voyages that promisedinteresting returns, Ouffitted ships at first. The need for settlement tosustain commercial activity led to the development of the acquiredamong the settlers and shortage of food areas that had the potentialto become a colony.Small settlements on metropolitan plansemerged.In order to understand the settlement procedure theearlier settlements details need to be given. After Cartier a Lutherannobleman Jean Francois La Roche established colony in 1542 bybuilding an elaborate headquarters with two strong towers in theinhabitants. The colony dispersed because of the Iroquois attack,outbreak of scurvy, harsh winter, indiscipline. Many of the survivorsreturned to France.In 1598 when La Roche was planning an expedition toNewfoundland he secured ofticial permission to take criminals fromthe jails of Brinany and Normandy. However these criminals werepetty thieves and beggars and not hard-core crirnina~s.~' They werethe settlers who populated the areas of New France. For some timea set back occurred as the Protestants lost interest in the colonialventures. Neither the private entrepreneurs nor the Crown showedany further sign of being interested in colonisation or expansion inGustavur Myen, A Hhtorv of Canadian W em (Toronto: Jms Lorimer 8Company 1975) p. 2

36Newfoundland of any kind. This was a temporary phase as verysoon this uncomfortable situation was forgotten.Pierre Gua de Monts another Protestant entrepreneur receiveda trade monopoly from King Henry IV in 1608 for the entire northAtlantic seaboard, on the ground that he would establish sixtycolonists each year and promote missionary work among the Firstnations.25 Pierre Gua de Monts was able to organise an associationof merchants from various cities to finance a joint Protestant-Catholicexpedition.This was done under the direction of a Dutchshareholder Cornelius de el lo is.^' It was during this time thatChamplain a geographer was recruited for the mission, along withhim came three vessels carrying artisans, soldiers, peasants, twoCatholic priests, and a Protestant pastor and established sefflementat Bay of ~und~.~' It is at Port ~oyal~' that a permanent sefflementbase by the French was established."Cornelius J. J mm, New Fmncd To 1760, p. 7" Cornelius J. Joenen. New France, p.7" John G. R M, Acadia. Maine and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in theSeventeenth Century (loronto: University of Toronto P w , 1981)Map No. A of the Port Royal wttlement is given towards the end of the thesis.

37The pint Association of merchants worked out well and Jeande Poutrincourt took charge of local affairs of the Company. He wasable to maintain a mrdiai relationship with one of the many group ofFirst Nations settled there known as Micmacs. He did not encroachupon their settlement areas and had trade with them. Trade in peltswent on as the Micmacs brought them to the French and theybartered with European goods. This relationship became friendlywith their chieftain Membertou converting and his family intoCatholicism.However in 1611 under the protection of Marquise deGuercheville Jesuit missionaries were sent and conflict occurredbecause of clashing of Interest of the fur traders and missionaries.This did not last long as Samuel Argall captured in the interest ofanother company called Virginia. The French colonists withdrewinland to live with the Micmacs and in the Scottish colony NovaScotia trade dwindled with the constant threat of the French and theMicmacs.According to the treaty of Saint-Germain-en-laye in 1632France was given back the colony. Two families the La Tour familyat Fort Sainte-Marie (present day New Brunswi&) and other thed'Auinay family at Port Royal took control of the fur trade.2s In'O Cornelius J. hen. -, p, 9

38Acadia especially a border for England and France neither theFrench nor the English could gain total control as such they emergedto be more independent. Farmlands and Orchards, herds and cattlefarms, fishery and fur trade with the Micmacs was the economicactivities indulged in by the Acadians. Lack of regular priest and asa result of seigneuriai control of land, compulsory military service bythe men folk, and strong family network make them bound togetherwith a communal identity3'It was at the Annual encounter at Tadoussac organised byPierre de Chauvin a Protestant Naval Captain at the base ofSaguenay River to exchange fur with the Algonkians. In 1608 ahabitation at Quebec the main area concentrated in this thesis wasestablished. This was near the Stadocona the lroquois village whereCartier and Robe~al had tried to settle a colony. From here tradewas at a vantage point and the Algonkians and Huron's came totrade with the French on their canoes.Keeping in mind therelationship with other traders the French maintained a goodrelationship with these fur-trading bands but with the Iroquois therewere always warsand skirmishes that threatened tradingrelationship.Cornelius J. Jaenen, &w France to 176Q, p.9

The French colony that came up later on was known as"Nouvelle France, comprising of three regions: Acadia, whichincluded the modern provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick andPrince Edward Island, to which was appended the base of Placentiain southern Newfoundland; Canada proper, which consisted of thearable lands of the St. Lawrence Valley; and Pays d'en haut, orupper country of the Great Lake basin, to which in the eighteenthcentury was appended the Mer de I'Ouest, the far western regionstretching onto the great central plains, or Prairies as they arecommonly called today^.3' in reality the French wlonised the lowerSt. Lawrence valley along the shores of Bay of Fundy and theyestablished a few trading posts, military forts and mission stationswithin the Amerindian or the First Nations territory or their ancestrallands.The founding of Quebec was an important step towards tradedevelopment as trade could be continued from here on a naturalcourse. The St. Lawrence River made France follow westward intothe hinterland developing fur trade and promoting agriculturalsettlement. Qu6bec is situated in an inland as such during harshwinter communication from here could not be done with the motherCornelius J. Jaenen, New France To 176Q, P. 1

country France. This was a hindrance for some time.32 The resuit ofshin of trade point to an interior region made Todoussac loose theimportance of bulk trade that it had earlier conducted. in 1611 DeMonts bought the habitation of Quebec and along with the merchantsof La Rochelle made Quebec as a depot for furs of ail kinds boughtfrom the First Nations on a barter basis.With the organisation of Company of New France in 1627 byRichelieu, Minister of Louis Xill the company got the right to createseigneuries set up administrative structure in it and have control overcommerce. This was modelled on the Dutch East India Company.The Company had an additional responsibility of maintainingsoldiers, artisans and Catholic missionaries. With the involvement ofCatholic enterprise and Catholic misslonaries were given priority.The charter companies exploited the area with the demand of fur.The fur was brought into the French beachheads and was exportedfrom Quebec and Port Royal to French Atlantic ports. The Companyof Canada, promoted by David Kirke and Associates, organized furtrade. Chartered by King Charles I, and in 1632 it came to and end.Champlain established Company at Rouen and St. Maio in 1614 andthe monopoly came to an end in 1620. Till 1633 Company of De)2 Marcel TrudeI, The Loinninas of New France. 15241688 (Tomnto: McCllelland8 Stewart, 1973)

Caen organized by William De Caen and his nephew along withmerchants of Rouen absorbed Champlain's Company.Montreal became an important centre of trade with theAlgonkians and became the centre of missionary activities. A bishoparrived at Montreal but did not start a diocese. The Company hadgiven to the seigneuries hoping that the rich landowners would helpin the conversion of the First Nations. It was the Jesuit, the nuns andthe Sulpicians who were able to mingle more freely with the FirstNations and converse with them. They were able to go into theinterior regions and tell stories of Bible, and they identified themissionaries as men carrying a wooden cross above their head thatwas a symbolic gesture of the missionaries. Perhaps a reminder ofthe cross Christ had carried and a cross that they have to bear everyday in different forms.As late as 1661 (sixteenth century) the French king Louis XIVrealised the need for having a Crown colony without the privateentrepreneurs. In 1663 the colony as a whole came under his directrule. King as the head represented the colonial government. Hewas in charge of the military, external relations and all mattersregarding the first nations. In Quebec, Trois Rivieres and Montrealthe three important towns of the Crown Governors were appointed.

Later on in Acadia and New Orleans in Louisiana also Governorswere appointed.33 The Intendant was in charge of finances, law,order and subdelegates in each of the regions mentioned assistedhim. 'The intendant presided over the Sovereign Council meetingswho will issue local ordinances. The Bishop joined the Governor andintendant on this council, but his participation was soon restricted tooccasional inte~entions to protect the privileges of the clergy. Thecouncilors were appointed by the Crown and the directors of theCompagnie des lndes Occidentales, created in 1684 and given themonopoly of the fur trade. Governor and intendant reported to theKing end, afier 1669, the royal prerogative asserted itself moreforcefully by rescinding all administrative powers of the Compagniedes lndes Occidentales, by giving all sovereign councilors royalcommissions, by concurring with the creation of a dioceseencompassing all North America especially towards north of theSpanish ~ossessions."~~ This very centraiised system of governmentwas not without redeeming features. Royal instructions given in1663 explained that the general spirit of government was to followthe direction of gentleness, as it would be harmful to employ severityagainst the transplanted peoples, far removed from their prince andCornelius Jaenen, France to 176Q, p. 16% .lbld., p. 16

his enforcement oficers,this policy refined as paternalism wasreiterated on several occasions.This however changed with the interaction of the French andnon-French fishenen with the First Nations. Cod fishing wasseasonal and drying of cod and fishes led to increased interest inexploring the countryside. The drying procedure was pretty longmaking them bored during the period of waiting for drying of the fish.Exploration for fun led these fishermen who settled ashore for theseason to come into contact with the First nations who brought fur fortrade with them. This became a favourite pass time and a source ofsteady income. It is remarkable that though an unpleasant life onships for the fishermen there was little evidence of disease likescurvy that later on the Crown vessel crew, traders, explorers andsailors suffered. The Crown to the Royal Navy recruited young menwho became seasoned sailors because of cod fishing as they couldmanage the water routes better. In the late sixteenth century walrusblubber and hides were traded in that brought huge profit. Whaleblubber and whale bone were another item that was demanded inthe market and with this the St. Lawrence River trade was taken Overby French trade.Accumulation of wealth in Canada took place inthe form of fur trade as the fisheties led them to it. The privateentrepreneurs have made all the initial contacts with the first nations

in the beginning. If taken a look at the records of trade it is believedthat the Protestants were leading the trade.Close to them theCalvinists and Lutherans who were minorities in France but had astrong hold on the economic activity in France. The profit from thetrade went to investment in land, trade, factories, banks, andtransportation systems in Europe and in Canada.Regular French living style and life was missing in New Francein the initial periods because of its original inhabitants, geographyand limited population. The missionaries took up the challenge ofcivilising and creating a sense of order among the original peoples inthe uncultivated hinterland. They aspired to introduce Europeanways while evangelising. Harvesting the crops, which they havesown in the gardens, and harvesting the souls of the natives wastheir target.Initially, they hoped to sedentarke the nomadicindigenous bands and accustom them to agriculture. The Huron andIroquois were already sedentary tribe engaged in cultivating maize,beans and squash.The Crown set aside seigneuries for themissionaries like the Jesuits and Sulpicians on which Native convertswould be seffled. These tracts of land known as reductions were

45modelled on the estatecl Jesuits had organW in their Paraguayanmi~sion.~The French adopted a policy of making the First Nations andthe Pondicherrians feel that they were equab although some racialsuperiority was manifested. The First Nations and Pondichemanscould attain French citienship and intermarry with the Europeans.They were the constant companions of the French during war andwere partners in trade in both New France and ~ondichbry.~ TheFrench were able to integrate the First Nations and thePondichemans into their fold and win h ir confidence. This is why inthe case of French Pondiiry there was no unrest or demand forindependence as late as 1920. When the other parts of lndia weredemanding freedom from English rule, lndia became independentfrom the British rule in 1947 as a result of this struggle; Pondichdryremain& under the French rule. It was only in 1954 that Pondicherybecame part of India. Hwrever the French played their role well andgave the Pondicherrians the right to choose their citizenshipa Comrliw J. Juvmn,Foe. %pcclr d Franch Amerindian CunuralIn tho Sim mj w m h htu& (loronlo: McCblland andStewart 1978), pp. 17k181; Wsin Bssulmu, QaWs be Fils do Gain ( Q u uNui! Bbnch. Ediieur. 1990). pp. 133143.' J. R. MUM, p m f l ew, (Tomto: UniwmUy d Toronto Pms. lW), pp. S57.62-70.. .

46(between lndia and France) to become atizens of France. Eightypercent of the population chose to be French citizens largelybecause of the economical gains of such a choice. The French, atthe same time, followed a liberal attitude to keep themselves in thelands that they conquered, bought, or acquired, thereby retainingtheir colonial attitude.In Pondichbry the French were able to settle down as tradersand established trade relationship with the Pondicherrians in thisregard. Initially it was the French East lndia Company that lookedinto all the needs of the French men recruited by them to settle inPondichery and other parts of lndia and conquer placed for thecrown. After Pondichery was purchased from the Sultan of Bijapurthe French did not immediately construct a fort. It took many plansfor the building of the fort. The details of fortification are given indetail in the fourth chapter of this thesis. Wlh the coming of theFrench into Pondichbiy trade activity increased as dealing in textilerelated items were being brought and sold on regular basis. TheCompany of East Indies set up trading depots near the Bay ofBengal in order to store the goods brought from various parts ofIndia.In contrast, the French at PondicMry, as they renamed it, weregiven permission by Sher Khan Lodi, the governor of the Sultan of

47Bijapur to build a trading post. Bellanger del Espinay was grantedthe penission to cany on trade as the Mughal Emperor Aurangazebissued a fiman to thii regard. French bought Pondichbry by paying,Sixteen thousand pagodas to the Dutch. In the case of New Francethey dM not have to purchase the land from the First Nations.Thefirst French loge in Pondichery was set up in Surat in 1666 afterBebber who had been deputed from France to contact the MughalEmperor and had obtained a finan from Aurangzeb in favour of LaRoyale Compagnie de France des lndes Orientales. Bellanger twkup residence in the Danish loge and started trade from there for acentury. Till 1790 the French engaged in trade of lndiin muslin.organdie, long doth, cotton textile, indigo, spices, rosewood, teakand pfecjous stones. In the hinterland long doth, mull mull, muslin,organdie, Salempuri, Sailasse, Kanjeevaran and Pulicat textiles werebrought and taken to different places.With the wming of Company of New France competitionbecame wvere and similarly cotton and dyed cotton yarns, textilesand calico were expod f m the main town of Chandranagore andPondlchbry to French Mediterranean porb. Goods from Francewere brought into the New France and Pondichery to be tradedinternally. In Pondich6ry there was demand for French drapes,laces, yellow Atsenii gloss, sulphur and Java coffee, opium andporcelain. Fmnce ako brought mom iron implements, wines, spirits.

48coral stone and ironware into the Indian markets. In Patna,Chandranagore, Pondichery and the nobility were the mainconsumers of these goods. The local population did not demandanything other than the glass items and later on synthetic textiles.Trade in New France in contrast, was on a barter basis, according towhich French manufactured goods such as knives, hatchets, copperkettles, needles, blankets, cloth, firearms and brandy wereexchanged for beaver pelts, moose hides, deer skins and peb ofsmaller wild animals. Trading operations at Pondichery constitutedcommercial activity in its true sense whereas trade in New Francewas an unsophisticated exchange of goods in the beginning. Lateron the Iroquois had an upper hand in trading their fur and pelts to theFrench merchants.The Pondicherrians were discriminated in many ways by theFrench as their basic rights were taken away. The French conceptof equality was applied to the French population, then to otherEuropeans and the Creoles.The Pondicherrians who hadestablished themselves in high positions were able to getconcessions from the French.This was because of the helprendered in work and trade. Without the help of the Pondicherrianinterpreters the administrative section would suffer, as documents ofIndia brought to the Governors were in various languages andtranslators were needed.The lirmans issued by the Mughal

49Emperor were in Persian and were translated by the Pondicherriansat the court of French Company. In New France, Missionaries werethe principal interpreters in the seventeenth century and militaryofficers in the eighteenth century. Missionaries basically learnt thelanguage to mingle with the First Nations.In New France the French were eager to leam the secrets ofthe First Nations regarding medicine, herbs, plants and flowers."The study of biology and zoology were of keen interest to them. Thiswas because of the flora and fauna of New France that the Frenchdiscovered were valuable. Governor La Galissonpiere, for example.was an ardent botanist who shared his hld 0bse~ati0nS with PeterKalm, a Finnish scientist of the Swedish Academy, who visited North~merica.~ King Louis XIV had given orders to have specimens ofRora and fauna sent to France for royal gardens, universitycollections and museums. The Jesuit missionaries in their annualRelations recorded a wealth of ethnographical, geographical, cultural" Virgil J. Vogel, American Indian Medcinp (Norman. University of OklaharnaPrero, 1970), pp. 8-10,Roland L8montag~. 'Lw khangea wbntiuw rntre Roland Mlchel Bamn dem, Vd. 14. No. 1 (188081). pp. 26-33.

50and scientific inf~rmation.~' These reports from members of theintellectual elite were widely read in Europe. The Parisian botanistCarrenti published the Canadensium olantarum histon&, a botanicaltext of the flora of New France, less than thirty years after thefounding of Qukbec. The royal physician, Michl Sarrazin becamean expert on the animals of the colony and of its rare plants and hisresearch was recognized by his nomination to the Academy ofSciences in Paris."In French Pondichery there is a reference of Franpois Martinshowing interest in Arabic medicine and translation of few Arabicworks on medicine were also done during this period. However thePortuguese had left enough of their sources to show how importantthe study of local medicine was. The Portuguese compiled a wholedictionary Hortus Malabar. The French took the idea of irrigationmethod from Malabar region of India. They applied this technique inMoluccus. The French in Pondichkry maintained gardens in thecompound of the houses and they were for growing vegetables orfruits, and flowers. Timber was extensively collected from Kalapetregion. It is in Kalapet that plantation of timber producing trees wereR. G. Thwates, ed. The Jesuit Relations and Alli Documenfp (New York:Pageant Book Company. 1959), 72 Vob.'Raymond Douvilb 6 Jqwo Do~t Cuenova, La Vh Ouofidwnne en Nwvelle(Paris: Hachetts, 1964), pp. 243-246.

51done so that there was no shortage of the much read& timber forvarious purposes. Timber was used for building residential houses,furniture, window frames, doors, and gates for the French houses.Pondicherrians also used wooden furniture, doors and windowframes. The beauty of the Pondicherrian furniture was that it wasornately carved depicting various motifs or carvings.Intricatecarvings are seen in the houses of the very rich landlords and ofhigher caste Pondicherrians. Pondicherrians used a low seat usedfor sitting or as a table for eating food served on plantain leaf, wereessentially made of wood. Woodwork and woodcraft, toys were oneof the handicrafts that the people of Pondichery knew about.The motive for colonisation varied and early promoten ofNorth American settlement were largely absentee colonizers.National advantage, religion, humanitarianism, greed for wealth,slaves and ambition were Me prime motive for colonisation. RichardWhitbourne's Discour80 and Dircovery of New expressed theofficial reason of colonisation to be trade in fish available from theseas and turn Natiis into Christian's in order to lead them to theirsalvation."

52French slave trade and their dealing in Goa especially can beinferred from the catalogues and correspondence of the Carnotins ofGoa. The Mhamay carnotin" seemed to have been working ascourtiers of the French in Goa from 1764. These Camotins weretaking care of expenses of French envoys, as they were bankersissuing Bills of Exchange on Poona, Bombay, and ~urat." Frenchmade sure that the slave trade continued as auction of the slavesaccording to their age, gender and race were also done. It was donein such a way that a child and mother should not be separated andbe sold together-a part of humanitarian attitude is seen.Able-bodied males especially blacks and locals of Malabar were taken asslaves and transported to Molucuss for plantation work and othermanual work.Slavery existed in the colony and was regulated by the CodeNoir of 1685 in Qubbec, Trois Rivbres, Louisbourg and Detroit. Thechief slave owners were the religious communitiis and militaryCarnotin was the Portugueoe conuption of nah ivet, a family name TheKamat kmilier were Brahmin by caste and chioily riu cultivators. The addttionalsurname, 'Mhamy' was adopted by the Camotins frwn their family deityMhamaya, meaning the great love information taken from Jeannette Pinto's article'The Slave Trade In The lndun Ocean: The French Experience' papr presentedIn lntemalicnal Seminar on IndeFrench Ralatbns and lnd~an Independence 22-26September. 1997, p.15 Tetonio de Sousa has done a lot of work in this raged." ibid.. p. 15

53officers, civil administrators and the bourgeois merchants. In 1709regulations were issued for domestic slavery by the Intendantkeeping in mind the code.The slaves were encouraged to marry,have family units and they were not broken. Children of slaves hadrudimentaly education and everyone was instructed in the Catholicreligion. They had the right to take their masters or mistress to courtbut no one did so probably out of fear.In PondichBly the French maintained a black regiment in thearmy. The labour especially in French colonies were done by slavescaptures as prisoners of war or bought in the market. Heavy trafficin slave trade continued from Pondichdry to variousplaces by theFrench. It was especially during the time of Governor Dumas thatthe slave trade increased, as he had to supporl the Governor ofBourbon in this regard.When Lenoir became the Governor ofPondichery from 1721-1735 he had a free hand to buy and sellslaves. Earlier he had a nefarious trade with Dumas in slaves. Heused to come from Ile Bourbon (Isle de la RBunion) and Ile deFrance (Mauritius) where he was the Governor in the pretext ofsettling disputes on confidential matters regarding the constitutionwith the Governor of PondichBly Dumas. In reality he came to buyslave girls and boys aged between eight and t~ent~-five.~ TheseFranc18 Antony Cyril, -of Vol. I, W. 167

54slaves were bought and bound to Ile de France and Ile Bourbonwhere they constituted the bulk of labour force. They worked in thecoffee, tea, indigo, jute and cotton plantations. Buying slaves fromPondichery was cheap as they were available and also during thefamines or calamity time when acute food shortage takes place,people offered themselves as slaves to be taken so that they get toeat something. Human cargo was an important item of trade thatcontinued and with poverty it increased.The Economic theory in sixteenth century France on the eve ofcolonization of New France has been defined by economists asBullionist and populationist. Economic power was equated with theaccumulation of gold and silver. This accumulation was especiallythrough a favourable balance of trade with Spain that had grown richon the precious metal that was available in Central and SouthAmerica. Historian on New France like Cornelius John Jaenen pointsout that there was also the conviction that the worlds population likethe amount of bullion, was fixed, therefore one nation's increase inpopulation meant an increase in the demographic strength of itspotential competitors.In the mid seventeenth century to this economic theory wereadded the concept that were protectionist, nationalist and state

55interventionist."Jean-Baptist Cdbert in 1660's encouraged theFrench metropolitan enterprise for commerce and industries throughstate subsidies, the granting of monopolies and high protective tariffsagainst foreign import^.^ The Colbertian system turned out to bevery nationalistic, therefore found favour in the eyes of Frenchmonarch Louis XIV.This system was designed to enhance thepower and prestige of France in the international zone and at thesame time self-sufficient domestic situation was ueated for her.Colonies were viewed as producers of primary resources, rawmaterials for metropolitan manufacture, and as markets for themanufactured goods of the mother country ~rance."These economic theories and practices, and state policies,were eventually called mercantilist.Mercantilism was never acoherent and welldefined policy as pointed out by eminent historianCornelius J. Jaenen, and 'appears to have existed largely in theminds of historians and economists attempting to bring somecoherent order to their understanding of the colonial period.'Nevertheless the government in the pursuit of short-term fiscal needsadopted a general set of principles that was not always strictly'' Cornellus J Jaenm. New France to 1760. P. 23" ~bd., p. 2347 wlllim J, E&, ~ . nXIV. 11683-1701 l (Tmte: ~ McClelland 8Stewart, 1964)

56observed by them.This characterized the relationship of theEuropean colonising powers, like France, England, or Spain theiroverseas possessions and trade areas. European powers tried toimpose a very dosed system of imperial nature by forbidding theircolonies to trade with foreigners, discouraging any colonialmanufacturing, and requiring trade to be carried on metropolitanships manned by metropolitan crews." It is very clearly seen thatFrench business interests came to support most of these policieswhen the council of commerce was organised by them in 1700.''New France did not fit well into the mercantilist concept for anumber of reasons. The resources of New France, or staples aseconomist Harold lnnis called them, fish and furs initially, did notrequire a largely number of European producers or investors in thecolony. Moreover fish required no manufacturing other than time forpreserving and drying the slated fish, and fun stimulated the Parishat-making industry and little else. A limited and small colonialpopulation meant a very rsatricted market for French manufactures.Finally, its natural markets seemed to be the Antilles and New* Co~iusJ. Jaumn. -, 23'' D& ~qwbn. w Franc4 1701-1744: A ~ m to E t U (Toronto: ~McChlland h Stwad, 1987)

57England and these were theoretically out of bounds according tomercantilist dogma.%In Pontchartrain's instruction as Minister of Marine to theIntendant at Quebec in 1708, the mercantile theory was clarified andfollowed by him as 'In general, it is not proper for manufacturing toestablish itself in that country because that would only be done to thedetriment of those manufactures in France; rather one must proceedso that the raw materials of Canada pass to France to bemanufactured.That must be the general practice, nevertheless,especially for the needs of the poor peop~e.'~' Were there anyexceptions to the general practice and if so what deviations from thedogma?It was under Pontchartrain's directive and initiative thatmercantilism as a concept came about with regard to trade andtrading affairs. Colbertism is the other world given for this soil oftrade that continued during this time in the seventeenth century.France gained from this soil of enterprise that was made privateentrepreneurs along with the state as such to be more involvementfrom the private enterprising merchanh could take place.The'Q Cornelius J. Janene, Bew Fmm to 17@, p. 23PM W. , a al.. A North American Nation (Tomnto: McGrawHIII, 1993) p. 139

58involvement of state in trade was an important directive towardsstability of trade.Along with him was Cardinal Richeiieu who was responsible forthe fonvard march of traders to build up stations and dockyards inrelations with the trading goods.Depots to store goods of any drykind and warehouses along the dockyard were ueated to facilitatethe traders in keeping goods at safe conditions. The slaves or thelabourers did unloading and loading.The Company of One Hundred Associates never overcame theeffects of the English occupation of Quebec between 1629 and 1632.By the early 1640s it stood on the verge of bankruptcy, heavily indebt and unable to supply the funds needed to maintain and todefend the colony.The leading businessmen came together andformed Habitants' Company and they got the rights of ownershipover all of France and the Company of One Hundred Associatesceded to the habitants the fur monopoly. The Habitanh' Companyhad to pay the costs of Canada's administration. This includedpayments to the governor and the military offcars for themaintenance of for$ and garrisons, the upkeep of the dergy, and theresponsibility of bringing twenty male and female settlers to thecolony each year.

59In 1645 a decade after Champlain's death-the French colony inthe valley of the St. Lawrence contained six hundred residents and afew hundred engagbs. Clerical intervention in the 1630's had greatlyIncreased the population, but it still remained smaller than that of asingle large lroquoian village. This slow growth is puzzling when oneconsiders the advantages of emigrating from France.Landlesspeasants or workers settling in Canada could obtain all the land theywished; moreover, they could enjoy privileges denied their class inFrance and avoid paying royal taxes.Nevertheless, emigration from France to New France wasunpopular. No doubt France's domestic problems-the civil war andreligious strife of the 1630s and 16405-had prevented m e fromleaving.Certainly, the state provided little encouragement.Protestants had little incentive to establish themselves in the colony.since after 1627 neither Protestant worship nor teaching waspermitted in Canada by the terms of the Hundred Associates'charter.The obvious discomfort of emigrating also discouraged many totake a chance as first the would-be colonists faced the dangers ofcrossing the North Atlantic, a voyage that took anywhere from threeweeks to more than three months. On these voyages food suppliessometimes ran out and if headwinds continued too long then scurvy

60took its toll. If fewer than ten percent of the ship's company diedduring a crossing the captain considered the voyage mostsuccessful.The voyages were always filled with terror but thesurvivors anticipated the thrill of beginning a new and better chapterof their life.The peasants and artisans who arrived safely faced thechallenge of clearing the virgin forest. At best, a very capable mancould dear one hectare in a year. Much of this difficult work had tobe performed in the summer months, when the black flies andmosquito made life intolerable. Winter was too harsh for any outdoorwork as such all work of daaring and storing wood for fire had to bedone during the summer time itself. On top of the hardships ofcrossing the north Atlantic and the difficulties of clearing land, thenew arrivals faced the danger of Iroquois raids, which resumed inearnest in the 1640s. Every male capable of bearing arms and manywomen had to be ready at all times to fight for their lives.There was heavy flow of emigrants despite this hardship asthey did leave France in the 1630s and 1640s in the hundreds. Theyleft for the French Antilles, for the islands of Martinique andGuadaloupe in particular, where, despite warfare with fur trade.tobacco and cotton required a great deal of unskilled labour. Withina decade the total white population of the French Antilles was

61estimated at seven thousand.Emigrants from France saw littleeconomic opportunity in New France in the mid-1640's and this is thereal reason for its small population.The fur trade had made the colony. New France dependedupon the thousands of Algonquians and Huron, who hunted, trapped,prepared the beaver pelts, and carried those hundreds of kilometresto QuBbec. Within a generation France had advanced a thousandkilornetres into the interior, establishing a firm trading alliance withthe Huron's, But in early 1649 it was doubtful whether New Francewith a resident population of barely one thousand, muld survive inthe face of determined Iroquois attacks.Wlh the Company and Crown sponsoring settlements tradedeveloped leading to conflicts and wars among the merchants andthe First Nations. It was the cod fishing that was the most profitabietrade during the fifteenth century. When private enterprise asrepresented by the Company of New France (1635-63) failed topopulate the colony, the Crown sponsored settlement. The Crownsponsored settlement witnessed enthusiastic groups corning but onlythe survivors from the perils of long voyage and harsh weather couldsurvive in QuBbec.

62The First nation civilisation underwent profound change withthe corning of the French into their interior regions. The fleets ofships that came brought about the revolution in the lives of firstnations. Information regarding the First nations was written not bythem but by the missionaries who had close contad with them. Theletters of missionaries to Paris and France dealt in detail about theway in which the first nations perceived things. The tools of theFrenchmen were looked at in awe, as the end redult of the tools wasremarkable. For the Iroquoians of the Great Lakes iron implementswere very useful. The French metals and tools were considered ofgreat value to the First Nations as they could skin and cut openmany animal skins at a faster rate. The steel axe that the Europeantraders had brought earlier lightened the labour of gatheringfirewood. The copper cooking pots of the French were not fragilelike the First Nations poltery vessels, birch bark kettles andperishable wooden boxes. For cutting meat and wood, durable steelknives performed much better than those of stone.The Europeans into the First Nations areas also brought steelawls ~ nneedles d to stitch hides. They had needles made of variouskinds of fish bone. This had a tendency to break very easily andgetting a sharp bone, as needle was very difficult. This was a bigrelief as it made them work with the hides more easily. Steel was inuse among the Fimt Nations and other such natives as early as

63sixteenth century. Even without meeting the Europeans their goodswere being traded into the Interior regions. Replacement of stonetools to brass was a revolution for them. Axe blades made of brasshead and spear made of brassDuring the French regime the structure of emerging NewFrance (Canadian) society differed from that of other North Americancolonies. Assimilation of cultures took place to facilitate each other'slives. In the case of Pondichery from a trading colony became thediplomatic headquarters ofDeccan under Franpis MartinsGovernorship.The French under the Company rule in PondichBryacquired lands with the help of the Indian nobility. The PondichQryregion consisted of communes of PondichBry, Mudaliyarpettai andAriyankuppam. Parts of Ozhukarai, Villiyanur, Nettappakkam andMannadipattu were also smaller parts induded.The eleven enclaves are divided thus:i ~Gth 1. Kalapet Endave 1I2. Alankuppam Endave It- IJ(Both belong to the Mannadipattu Commune)I 1North West 1. Sunukanni Endave2. Sorapanu Endave3. Mannadipanumain Enclave1(These three belong to the Mannadipattu Commune)

1 7. Manakuppam Enclave(Nettappakkam belong to Nettappakkam Commune and ManakuppamWest8. Nettappakkam Enclaveto Villiyanur Commune)(This belonged to the Bahur Commune)Swm. Antmy, Frsncia Cyril. sdl. Ind' tam, Vol , 1,Pondrhev. GovemMnt P W, 1982, p. 2From north to south the above mentioned eleven enclavescovers the area of Pondichery in a semi circle. The whole areaenjoys a natural boundary of Bay of Bengal on the east and by theArcot District on the south. When the British captured Arcot theFrench were very cautious about their security in French fort ofPondichbry. The total area of Pondichbry is 290 square kilometresmuch smaller than QuBbec.French policy of assimilation andslow change made the Pondicherrians go hand in hand with all theFrench policies and rules thrust on them.In order to understand the ways in which French were able tostick on to Pondichbry and Quebec for a long time is the missionary

65zeal and the trade relation that was developed. French religiousorders came to the colony to convert the Indians to Christianity andto assimilate them Into French life. The first French Missionariesassigned the task were the RBcollects who were a branch of theFranciscan Friars, community without a rich financial base. ThreeRhllect's priests and a lay brother arrived at Quebec in 1615. Fiveyears later they opened a monastery at NorbbDame des Anges,several kilometres from Qhbec. The Rhllets initially hoped thattheir seminary would train a native dergy for the colony, but theyfound the Indians had no desire to be made into Frenchmen. Theseminary soon dosed for lack of students and funds.In an attempt to solve their financial problems the Rhlletssought to collaborate with the Society of Jesus, a wealthy andpowerful order founded by lgnatius Loyola a century earlier. From1625 to 1629 the Jesuits assisted the RBcdlets in establishingmissions in New France. This highly disciplined order, renowned forits ability to atbact able and often well-born candidates, was alsoknown for its willingness to take on the most dangerous tasks.Jesuits had already sewed in the front lines of the Roman CatholicChurch's campaign to reclaim Protestant Europe. These highlyeducated men would write some of the best contemporarydescriptions of New France in their Relations or reports back toFrance.

ARer the English occupation of New France, Cardinal Richelieugave the Jesuits a monopoly of the Canadian mission field. Theirwork now began in earnest. Yet when they began a school forIndian children they encountered the same problems as theRBmlleb. Simply enlisting native students was difficuit. Parentsrefused to let their children go, and finally the priest had to givepresents to the parents in order to gain students for the seminary. Ofthese, many ran away and others became ill and died. The deathincreased the parents' resistance to their children's schooling, as didthe French custom of physically punishing children; this practice wasforeign to the Indian's methods of childbearing.Religiousobservances and beliefs generated systems of rules for personal andsocial behaviour.Each individual had the potential to acquirespiritual power: as such the individual was valued and respected bythe First Nations. Children were rarely punished or forced to followwhat their parents or eMers did. Teaching took place in an indirectway like tales from grandparents told on cold nights when everyonecame together to sit round the fire.When Ursuline nuns arrived in the colony in 1639 they camewith the specific purpose of instruction Indian girls. Over the nextthirty years the nuns succeeded in teaching a few girls to red andwrite. It was difficult work. In 1668 Marie de I'lncamation, foundress

of the Ursuline order in New France wrote that it was very difficult tocivilise the Indian girls.67The Jesuit work with the Algonquians is remarkable as theylearned the language, introduced schools and provided medical careto the Indians. To fight against disease like small pox and measlesthe Indians started accepting the treatment by the nuns. Theystarted to leave their invalid and sick in the care of the nuns who tookcare to bring them back to normal health. This was a change as thenatives were also by nature very considerate in taking care of theirsick and invalid ones. They protected him or her from all sort ofattack and did not leave them to die in case of war also.The Jesuits like the Rhllets believed that a nomadic life wasagainst the Christian morals and thereby propagated settled liegiving space for religion to come in. Settled life promoted a sort oforder in life and channellised life towards a goal was their ideology.An agricultural background would provide a source to rely onreligion. This theory that god setUes along with the settlers and notwith those who travel around is ridiculous as there would not havebeen any voyages and expeditions had this been the cause. Whenthe whole concept of Omnipotence is there this seems to beridiculous that settled life is a way of Christian ideology. Insistenceof a regular structured and settled life provided for a better control by

68the church and the clergy on the settlers who were Christians is thewhole concept behind the settlement concept.The Jesuits felt that the Algonquians would accept Christianitybetter as they were agriculturists as such lived a more settled life. Inorder to help their work the Jesuits hired workmen to come and clearfarmland on the cliff of Cap aux Diamants seven kilometres aboveQubbec where Jacques Cartier had mined for diamonds and he gotonly few white stones which were mistaken for diamonds, andwhereby small villages were constructed.On these viliages theFrench colonists and the converted First Nations were to be settledthus forming a pattern whereby rule could be possible and alsooverseeing their activities. Upon receiving the fortune of the NdlBruiart de Silleiy, formerly a minister and ambassador of the kind,the Jesuits gave the name St. Joseph de Sillery to the reserve ofapproximately thirty-five hectares.The missionaries were not mere instrument of conversion butvery equally humane in their approach towards the First Nation andthe Pondicherrians. There were cases where the missionariesinterfered with the politics and the internal matters of these twocolonies causing trouble to them and the people. In the case of NewFrance they showed a keen interest in trade and establishing trading

69relationship with the First Nations.In Pondichbry however withregard to trade the missionaries did not interfere.

Chapter IllThe Beginning of commerce and missionary work as aneffective method of colonisationNew France was established during a period of Catholicreligious fervour in metropolitan ~rance.~ Missionary work designedto convert the First Nation was supported by the State. JacquesCartier started the first Protestant settlement.Jean-FrancoisLaRoque a Lutheran noble man followed this from southern France.Protestants were excluded from permanent settlement from 1627onwards. At Pondichery the authorities were careful not to imposeCatholicism, although missionary work was permitted, and theygranted full freedom to practice the dominant religion Hinduism.However, during the time of Governor Dupleix the Jesuits becamemore active in their mission of converting the Indians ofPondicMry. The Charter of 1664 of the Compagnie des lndesOnentales had a dause that promotion of Catholic faith was animportant fador apart from trade relationship this clause wasapplicable in the New France context also.an Mchael D. Behiela & K. S. Mathew. Qnclda: Its Reaions and PWD~ (NewDelh~: M~ohshl, 1888). pp. 7-9.

71New France began as a commercial comptoir in an uninhabitednorthern region open to any newcomer whereas French Pondicherybegan its history as a commercial comptoir In an inhabited andcivilised tropical region. From the town of Qubbec, settlements werestarted on the island of Montreal (1642) and Tmis-RiviBres (1634),upstream towards the hinterland. At Pondichbry, the French by 1708had acquired land from the Nawab of Camatic in the vicinity to formtheir coastal colony. By 1750, French Pondichh incorporated overhundred villages inhabited by Indians. The French acquired in theneighbouring areas around Pondichbry from the Nawab of Camaticand the Mughal Emperor. The French settled down in these areasand had trading posts, which later became large settlement areas,like in Karaikal where there were eighty-one main revenuegeneratingvillages. Mahe that is in the present day a Union Territoryhad large villages with fertile agricultural fields. From Yanam(constituted of few villages but had a flourishing trade), andChandranagore (epicentre of trade for France) in Bengal the rawmaterials in the form of fine cotton wsre brought into Pondichbry fordying. All the areas the French chose were coastal regions andprovided excellent natural harbours and trade went on smoothly. Inthe areas selected by them they had an excellent inland trade routeand this provided an excellent source of transport of goods to

72Pondichbry from where these goods were taken to various parts ofthe worldss3 The villages acquired by the French brought in themuch-needed revenue for the sustenance of the large French armyand the Governor in Pondichbry. In New France by 1750meanwhile about 50,000 French lived in the riverine colony, betweenMontreal and Qubbec. The Amerindian people in this colony knowncollectively as the Seven Fires of Canada, lived in seven reductions,seigneuries administered by missionaries and located in the vicinityof the three principal towns.Both colonies of the French began as commercial comptoin ofmonopoly companies: The Compagnie des lndes Orientales atPondichery and the Compagnie de la NouvelleFrance succeeded bythe Compagnie des lndes Occidentales in New France. TheCompagnie des lndes Orientales and Compagnie de la NouvelleFrance were united in 1719 under the title Compagnie des Indes.The St. Lawrence valley developed slowly as an area of French" It is interesting lo nde that in the poikal map of Indii Yanam is near AndhraPdrh, whilo Pond-and Karaikal am nssr by but is inddual states now.They am all skualsd on the Coromandal coast and the Bay of Bengal (Sea)prwldea the much-n&harbors and port facilities. Mahe, however, is on theMalabrr Cout and the Mi Sea becomes the mute of transport of W0d-S toPondii6ry. All the abovbmentd p*cer am in the southern part of Indla.Chandnv in Eongal is on UM Hocg& Rm that prmb chwp tmn~atonof goods to PondlcMry.

73immigrants engaged in agricutture and townspeople engaged incommerce and domestic manufacture.Pondicheiy on the otherhand, attracted only limited French immigration in the sixteenthcentury. The authoritii invited Indian merchants to establish theirenterprises in the town.In the eighteenth century this tendencychanged as French nationals were willingly coming to settled down inPodichbry after seeing the lie style of the retired Governors andCompany officials settled in France. These people had made moneyfrom the French trade in lndia and enjoyed the benefit of fi after theirretirement, and this made many to come to lndia in search of wealth.The Podlcherrian and First Nation nature and attitudeIn the lndian context the French had to face the four-folddivision of the society existed in Pondicheiy among the Hindus.Colonial rulers regarded the Brahmins as a caste that held the topposition in the ritual hierarchy among the Hindus. This is an Orientalperception of the role of the Brahmin in the lndian society on thewhole.Oriental scholars like Sir W~lliam Jones regard that theBrahmins were not necessarily well educated, as they appear tobe?It was believed that the Bnrhmin was well versed in the?1 Roasne R-r. Blituh Ohntsliun in the Eightemnth Century: The DlslecW ofKnowledge and Oovemrnent in Card k BRkemd~ end Peter Van der Veer (ed.)Pnu, lW), pp 228-28.por(-mi& Wi(Berkby: University of Caliii

74traditional Sanskrit literature. This is probably because they weretaught from an earlier age to recite slokas (verses) from the Hinduscriptures. The earlier education was only in oral Sanskrit languagegiven to the Brahmins and the nobility. Naturally a Brahmin becamewell versed in Sanskrit literature.and was given jobs of teaching orbecoming the priests of temples. The lower castes were not allowedto read or write or even enter temples and were the ones whocontributed to the bulk of manual labour. Over time in India theyhave gained an important position in society and among the nobility.They were patronised because of their hierarchical superiority. TheBrahmins were employed in the colonial administration as native lawofficers in the courts. They worked as interpreters of the variousindigenous languages for the French.The French also favoured the Chenis who were the tradingclass and belonged to the left-hand faction. The French Companyencouraged them in trade. .It is interesting to note that oil pressers.who were very rich, were asked to settle in Pondichdry and localsettlers did not like this. This was because the oil pressers belongedto a lower caste and the other caste people living with themconsidered it to be a pollutant to have them near their villages.There were cases of violence because of this problem of settlement,which the French had deliberately facilitated in the interest of trade.The conflict behrveen the ldangai and Valangai or the left and right

75hand factions of the Hindu caste system, increased in order to earnprivilegcn, from the French Company.In 1741 the Conseil Superior issued a royal edict that the townshould be accessible to all its inhabitants irrespective of caste andcreed. The new Madras Street was thrown open to the public andwas made a public thoroughfare for both castes. The racial featureof society under French rule was that there were Europeans andIndians existing under the same rule and judicially possessing thesame privileges and enjoying the same legal protection. Though theEuropean population was few compared to the Pondiierrians, theEuropeans enjoyed disproportionate power.In New France theFrench needed the support of the First Nation economically andmilitarily. There was no segregation between the French colonistsand the First Nations at the ofkial level. However, the First Nationslived far from the French settlement areas. They came to the FrenchsetlJement area to barter their fum for goods that they needed. In1627, the Company of New France was granted a charter thatstipulated, among other matters, that First Nations people whobecame Catholics were to be deemed French citizens and to enjoythe same privi~egas.~ But after royal government replacedCompany rule in 1663. Native peoples were treated as allies, not" 0- Q. TI-, (Kingston: McGilMuwm' UnlMttityPnu. 1985). p. 327.

76subjects, of the French Crown. They were not subject to Frenchlaws, taxation, trade restrictions or military duty.Dealings with the natives took place initially at QuBbec. Later.various other places such as Montreal and Trois Rivieres becameimportant for trade. The question arises as to whether the Frenchpurchased the lands from the natives or just acquired large areaswhere habitation seemed to be sparse. The natives knew all thelands that were a part of the gift of nature and used as huntinggrounds. They did not object to the European ompation of thelower St. Lawrence riverine lowlands. At least since 1580 it hadbeen cleared of its original St. Lawrence Iroquois village sites. TheMohawks (Agniers) and the four associated Iroquois tribes remainedout of the St. Lawrence valley when French settlement beganbecause of an effective alliance of Huron, Algonkians andM~ntagnais.~ In the hinterland, or pays d'en haut, the French werecourteous and always asked permission to establish mission stationsor forts on what was recognised locally in terms of good relations fortrade and security as Native territories thus avoiding the hostility of" Willum Engeibmcht. 'The Case of the Disappearing Imqwians: Early ContactPerii 8 Superpnw Politics.' -, Vd.50 (1995), pp. 3559.Also Samuel Ludiow Frey, Jhe Mohawks: an inouirv into their 0Wn. mioration8and influen- u~on the white [Miifon],(UW, NW YO*: UtiCa HeraldJob Department. 1898)

77the original inhabitants. Formal possession ceremonies, directed atthe royal claims of the Spaniards, English, and Hudson BayCompany (after 1670), involved posting the King's arms on oaktrees, erecting commemorative plaques and planting tall woodencrosses bearing the arms of France. The French in asserting theirclaim to sovereignty were able to avoid displacing the First Nations.The maintenance of peace in the hinterland of the Great Lakesbasin area that was, the source both of valuable furs and of nativeallied warriors so necessaty for the French during that time and thispeace, assured the commerce of Quebec and the security of thenascent colony from neighbouring English colonies to the So~th.~The natives did not have large areas under their 'control,' a termwith political connotations, but had extensive hunting territories withmutually agreed upon boundaries. They did not have a concept ofacquiring lands to boost their status. The whole land of New Francebelonged to them and they lived off the land without destroying the" COmeltus J.Joanan, Tho Uniqueness of the French Relatianship wth Canada'sNative People. 1504-1783' In +maBaw d., Imperialism. Nationalism andReaionalism in Canadian and Modem Indian Histow, (New Delhi: Manohar, 1989).pp.1-29. Also 'Characterizations of French-Amerindian Contact in New France' inStanley H. Palmer & Dennis Beinhark. ds., &@YSon the Histow of NorthPnu. 1982), pp. 7Q-101.and Ex~lomipp, (Cdlege Station, TX:Texas A & M Univenity

78em-system.vegetation.There was no abuse of the natural products andWith the coming of the traders, colonisers and theexplorers there were more dangers to the whole -system.Theneed to cultivate the northern region did not arise on a large scale orin a more organised manner because of unfavourable terrain andweather. The natives hunted a variety of animals during the summerand preserved meat by drying it with berries. During winter moosemeat was considered to the best source of fresh meat to the FirstNations. They collected nuts, berries, and edible roots of variousplants to store for the harsh winter months. Iroquois and Huron grewcorn and while travelling made caches for future use. Fish a richsource of protein were plentiful both during the summer and winter.French settlement along the St. Lawrence River did not disrupt thistraditional Native economy and way of life.In the hinterland ofPondicMry the life of the Indians went on without much changeexcept for the fad that they had to pay taxes on everything that theywere using which were earlier more or less free.In New France. French inhabitants resided in a spatiallyrestricted area. The northern Algonkian bands lived in small familyencampments suited to their nomadic way of life. They pursued acyclical subsistence economy. The Huron, south of Georgian Bay,and the Five Nations Iroquois, south of the upper St. LawrenceRiver, on the other hand, were sedentary agriculturists living in

79sizeable villages of matriarchal long houses.Beyond theiragricultural plots, where the women grew corns, beans. squash andtobacco, the men hunted game animals, fished, and traded onextensive hunting territories.It was natural that the Frenchestablished trading partnerships and mllitaly alliances with the Huronand the northem Algonkian nomadic bands. The fur trade was theinitial motor of French expansion throughout North America. It wasresponsible for the first settlements in Acadia and Quebec andeventually resulted in a series of trading posts that extendedwestwards to the prairies and southwards to Louisiana. Because thefur traders relied on free aboriginal labour, the trade has often beenthought of as a partnership. The cost of the partnership for the firstnations outweighed the benefitsB The costs were indirect -disease, increased warfare, an attack on aboriginal religion, andeventually, as the trade declined, European occupation of lands usedby native peoples - they were no less real. The colony of NewFrance originated because of fur trade however it did not become thelifeline of the colonist as put forward by many historians andeconomists alike.The society of the Pondichery and Quebec is very interestingand missionaries learnt a lot from the intricate cultures of these twoCornelius J. Jaman. New France to 1769 Pp. 98-99

80places. In the case of French India PondichBry, Karaikal, Yanamand Chandranagore a patriarchal society exicrted, although in Mahesociety was matrilineal. In Kerala society matriarchy is followedamong the Nairs and Namboodari families who are Hindus. In theearlier period the Nair women can have an open relationship withanyone she chooses to and the child born out of the union will be apart of the women's household. The father has no role to play in theeducation or upbringing of the child.The eldest son of aNamboodari family can marry Nair women. The marriage of otherssiblings are not permitted. Which is why the Namboodari men havesambandham relationship with the Nair women. At present thissystem has undergone change with conservationism giving way tomodern out look thereby reducing the conflict of the earlier prevalentsystem. In the colonial context this was the tradition.The missionaries did not like this sort of open relationshipbecause it was against their morality that women could openly sleepwith any men who came under her roof. The Jesuits considered thisto be immoral and open prostitution. In New France the missionariesfelt the same way about the First Nations attitude towards sex. Theydeplored the prevalence of premarital sex which First Nationstolerated but also admired the constancy of mamages in Nativecommunities.

81The native settlements were far from the places of the firstFrench settlements. They travelled long distance8 by water incanoes made of birch bark, which were easy to manoeuvre. Inreturn for fun they would take cloth, kettles, salt and other goodsthat they needed. This initial period of French native trade continuedthroughout the Champlain era (1608-1635) of French settlement.Initially, as already stated, the Huron and Algonkian traders broughttheir fun and pelts down the Saguenay River to the meeting place ofTadousac. After 1608, many traders descended the St. MauriceRiver to the St. Lawrence to make contact with the French atQubbec. By the 16309, the meeting place of Native traders andFrench merchants became Trois Riiieres, at the mouth of the St.Maurice River, where a trade fair was organised each spring. Afterthe founding of Montreal in 1642, it became the principal point ofexchange of furs for European manufactured goods-cloth, knives,needles, etc. However, the Five Nations aggressively pursued theirlong-standing war against the Huron confederacy with astoundingsuccess in 164849. The resulting dispersal of Huron remnants notincorporated into Iroquois society, westwards, or a few as refugeesnear the tom of QuBbec, posed a threat to the French trade. By the16608 therefore, the French had to embark on eWditions againstthe Iroquois, with questionable success.

82This second phase of the fur trade was one in which Frenchvoyageurs in the employ of colonial merchants, who in turn werelinked wmmerdally to supplmrs in metropolitan France, went into thehinterland in the autumn with trade goods for barter. The canoeroute into the interior, the pays d'en haut, was long and studded withrapids that had to be avoided by portages around them, often indense forest.The trade was largely with bands of Algonkianspeakers, the Ottawa, Ojibiwa. Saulteaux and dispersed Huronremnants centred at Michilimackinac at the junction of Lake Huron,Michigan and Superior. The Native hunters were seconded by theirwomen folk who prepared the hides and skins for barter. The Frenchtraders, after disposing of the European goods offered in exchange(as well as illi brandy to lubricate relations), guided by Nativecanoe men descended the Ottawa river to MonMal in the springtime with the fun.Eventually after removal of the Iroquois threat, following theGreat Peace of Montr6al in 1701, an annual trade fair was organisedin MontrBal. This was the third stage in the fur trade as nativetraders again descended each year to the French area of settlementto barter their furs, which induded deerskins, moose hides andbuffalo hides. Although Montr6al was the centre of this commercialactivity. Quebec remained the headquarters in the colony of themonopoly company, the Compegnie des Indes, which was the only

83legal exporter of furs and hides to metropolitan France. In this phaseof the trade, the upper St. Lawrence route became a principal linkwith the tribes of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys.5eIn Pondichbry the upper caste Pondicherrians among whomBrahmins were on the higher side of the hierarchy regarded theFrench as inferior and avoided social interaction with them as muchas possible. All foreigners were considered Mlechas by the uppercaste Indians. However, the Indian trading class and the nobilitymingled freely with the French as they had much to gain from mutualinteraction. The French needed them to be intermediaries and theIndian merchants needed the French to continue their trade. Thenawabs needed the help of the French military, which gave them themuch-needed security in case of war with the neighbouring areas.The French nobility and the important officials were invited on certainoccasions, especially when there was marriage ceremony of thetrading class called the chetis, religious ceremonies (not in templeswhere the actual worship was held) naming of the child, the last(funeral) rites ceremony after fourteen day of the death of the personwhere lunch or dinner were sewed included European dishes. TheGovernor, his family and the nobles of the court were invite topartake of the food provided during these ceremonies.G I I hvd, ~p-I of 1701 (Kingaton: McGill-Quwns'University Press, 2001), pp. 166-170.

Missionary work in the two colonies followed diierent coursesas well. In New France, the First Nations were regarded as barbaricsavages having little religious foundation on which orders were tobuild a Catholic Church.in Pondichery the missionariesencountered highly developed religion, as well as some animists andthe occasional Christians. Christianity was a religion known andaccepted in other parts of lndia especially South India. This wasbecause it was believed that St. Thomas had landed in lndia in A.D.52 in Cranganore in Kerala and spread the Good News to the peopleof Southern India. The arrival of Vaso da Gama, the Portugueseexplorer, and missionaries in due course of time were able to convertthe Indians in Quilon, Cochin the Malabar region of Kerala in thesixteenth century.Christianity might appeal to the untouchables(now referred to as Dalits in the Indian context) as a liberating faithbut Hinduism provided a greater challenge. So it was that somemissionaries developed syncretic rituals to entice converts. A verybest example is the car festival followed by Pondicherrians in Villanurwhere the statue of the Virgin is taken out from the church inprocession and re installed in the church. Burning firecrackers andlighting the entire street and celebrating mass with great Pomp andshow was a typical replica of the Hindu ceremonies. The 1ocalPondicherrians who followed Hinduism did take Out these types of

procession of forms of Gods from temples so that the people of thearea could witness the Gods idols and get chance to worship.85However for French Pondichbty Christianity was somethingnew. In 1642 the Jesuits came to Pondichbry on the invitation ofFranpis Martin the Governor. He wanted the Capuchins to comefrom Madras to Pondichbry to start religious discourses. The Jesuitsin their zeal to proselytize persecuted the Kaikolas or the weavingcommunity who had settled in Pondichbry on the request of theGovernor Francois Martin. in 1693 Franpis Martin wrote about theactivities of the Jesuits in Pondichbry to the Board of Directors of theCompagnie des lndes Onentales. In 1692 two Capuchin priestswere forced to vacate Madras fort by the British, and this made themcome to Pondichbry where Franpis Martin gave them shelter. Theyactively participated in all the activities of the first church built inPondichbry and started a centre for learning attached to it. Thischurch was build by Tanappa Mudaliar in 1686. Tanappa haddedicated the Church to Sain Lazarus who was his patron saint. Hebecame Franvis Martin's interpreter and negotiator in the internaltrade matters. The Jesuit activities had become unbearable for atolerant person like Martin and he did not want to lose the trust of theKaikolas whom he had with great difficulty set up in Pondichbry toencourage the textile industry. Once they leave the place becauseof the Jesuit problems the weaving industry would be affected.

86When Franpis Martin died in 1706 the Jesuits entered the templesand performed unholy activities in the eyes of the Indian population.Only afier the French King ordered them not to enter the templepremises and desecrate it did they stop their activities. They werealso ordered not to harm the local people. In 1748 the Jesuitsdestroyed the famous Vedabhudeshwam temple of Karaikal. It isbelieved that this destruction was initiated with the help of JeanneDupleix, the wife of the Governor Dupleix. The famous diaristAnanda Ranga Pillai, who was also the Dubash of Governor Dupleix,recorded the destruction of the temples.A peculiar feature of Christianity in Pondichbry was that thePondicherrians who converted still followed the caste system. Theyessentially belonged to the caste of their origin and retained theirnames according to their caste. Tanappa Mudalian tombstone inthe church of St. Andrew at Madras stated that he was christened asLazarus Timothy and belonged to Agambadi Mudali area. He was aVellala caste and is considered to be one among the few founders ofthe French East India Company in Pondichbry. He passed away in1691 before the Jesuit established a church in Pondichbry in 1692.4This is one example of the retention of ~aste~even in the tombstone.This was probably to show the nature and importance of individualupper castes as the upper caste Pondichemans despite conversionto Christianity did not totally accept the French way of living. Some

87of them retained their caste culture of partaking only vegetarian foodand not using anything that was leather i.e, made of animal skin.Many of the converted Christians who took meat were looked downupon as they were said to have converted because they were greedyfor a piece of meat and wine. This was a constant source of ridiculemet by many a converts.The marriage ceremony held in the church was performedaccording to the original culture of the Pondicherrians whereby thegroom ties the taali a piece Of yellow threat with the marriage symbolof a small pendant in gold on the bride. Mere exchange of ringscould be done like the French custom. This elaborate marriageceremony was performed so that the bride had a marriage symbolfor everyone to see in order to improve her status in the societywhereby she would be respected. This was a personal security forher against abuses, as married women were not harmed by any badelement. On the death of her husband the woman became a widowand she could choose to live a life of prayer and meditation andtaking care of her children if any. She was not asked to perform satias prevailing in other parts of India. There is only, one instance ofsati (a cruel act of widows burning themselves voluntarily on theirhusbands funeral pyre or brutally forced to do so) in Pondichbry.Governor Dumas witnessed a self-immolation of a widow on the

funeral pyre of her husband in Villiyanur in 1740~ and did not doanything to stop such a cruel action.Even in the churches in Pondichbry there was segregation ofthe left hand and right hand classes.The lower castes wereassigned the last seats and had to keep themselves away from thehigher castes. The concept of equality before God did not bring theconverted population of Pondichbry together. There were quarrelsand fights among the converts and the higher caste Hindus lookeddown upon the Christian converts. New France also experiencedproblems in the wake of conversion. In New France there was nooccasion for segregation in the churches because the convertedNative peoples had their own churches or chapels on the reductionswhere they lived. Religious freedom was allowed by the FrenchCompany Officials in Pondichery but interference in the form of rulesstarted with Governor Duliever.Governor Duliever appointed in place of Hebert did not allowany processions and religious functions within the fort. Fortnightsbefore Easter all processions and fundions were banned in andaround the fort area. On Sundays no songs or instruments could beplayed outside the forts, as it would disrupt mass in the churches." Fmncia Cyril Antony, m e e r of India. Unkm TenitONof Pondcherry Val. 1, P.16s

89Governor Duliver was acting on the advice of the Jesuits. This 1714proclamation was met with a very bad result. A large number ofPondicherrians migrated to other places outside the Pondicherypermit. Weavers and artisan's migration proved to be a great loss astheir departure affected the trade.Duliver had to cancel theproclamation and the migrated population returned bad.Theauthorities of the Church wanted the crusaders of this agitation i.eNainiyappa Pillai to be removed from his official position of theCompany Dubash.The Jesuits did not mind only to hamesting souls but playeddirty politics. They influenced the Versailles Court to appoint Hebertas Governor and they had a tie up with him that he would do as theywanted or loose his position. Hebert supported the Jesuits and assuch he did not get support from his Dubash Nainiyappa Pilbi. Pillairefused to help Hebert in accumulating personal profit on theCompany trade. Hebert had to make up a false case with witnessand Nainiyappa Pillai was charged by the Conseil Souverain'sapproval to be imprisoned for refusing to obey the French rule. Hecould not prove his innocence in this case and neither could his sonswho tried everything to get their father released met with Stonysilence from the authorities. Nothing was done to release or bring totrial Pillai and as such Pillai died in imprisonment. This proved thatthe French were becoming powerful enough to tackle rich landlords

90and influential people who were helping them in trade and turn theminto dust.The Pondicherrians were not allowed to wear shoes or slippersinside the fort area. They had to keep their hats off when enteringthe fort.This curtailment of religious freedom along with otherfreedoms resulted in discontentment that gave rise later to thestruggle for freedom from the French rule.In New France allProtestant worship was strictly prohibited and penalties wereimposed on business that remained open during the hours of divineservice or on holy days. The Jesuits were able to establish a churchin Pondichery in 1692 and they made it a centre for learning also.The centre encouraged students to learn Latin, Philosophy andTheology. When the Edict of Nantes in 1683 was revoked therebypermitting Protestants in France to practise their religion thisencouraged the Jesuits in Pondichbry to make French King LouisXIV to get Governor Hebert recalled to France.The Jesuitspersuaded the French king as such Hebert was recalled back as hisearlier Jesuits did not like the orders he had issued. The orders hehad issued were that the Pondicherrians had the right to follow theirancient custom and traditions. For the Jesuits this was intolerable asthey considered idol worship as pagan and satanic.

9 1The population of both the French colonies French malesgreatly outnumbered their female counterpart in the early decades ofsettlement; Company officials adopted a policy of assimilationthrough intermarriage. Missionaries found the policy dangerous inas much as the Metis population tended to be less French andChristian than they hoped. The mixed blood population, intended tobind First Nation and immigrant peoples, was often relegated toinferior occupation and looked down upon by both the French andthe indigenous population. The children born to French parents werecalled Creoles and Metis. Later on this term was applied to thechildren of mixed origin. There were also the French who werecalled Gens de Chapeau or Topas. At the death of Martin in 1706there were just one hundred Topas in PondichBry. Governor Dupleixin Pondichkry favoured the promotion of mixed blood individuals incolonial commerce. In New France Champlain and the Jesuitmissionaries encouraged intermarriage in the early seventeenthcentury but in 1705 Governor Vaudreuil forbade all the Frenchmen,soldiers, artisans or following any profession, to many Native (FirstNation) women until the orden from the Court [Versailles] on thematter was got. In 1735, the Council of Marine forbade these mixedmarriages as dishonourable 'and likely to produce unruly offspring.In 1749 the grounds that mixed marriages were 'pernicious to thestate and useless to religion.'Missionaries were not to performmarriage ceremonies without the permission of military Post

92c~mmanden.~' In reality, the mixed blood population in Pondichbryand New France continued to increase despite official views. Thepositive and negative effects.of such relationships are more difficultthan racial distinctions with the existing caste system at Pondichbry.Even converts to Catholicism insisted that a wall should separate theright hand and left hand classes in the Church. The Catholic Vellalasreceived the patronage of the French Governor. They enjoyed asecular hierarchy campared to the Hindu Vellalas. This differencewas only in the urban areas as in the hinterland the Hindu Vellalasoccupied an important position. In New France the indigenousnations ;ereorganised into missions according to language. AtHanesetake (Olka) the Algonkians and Iroquois each had their ownmissionary.Closely related to assimilationist objectives, missionary workand social interaction were intended to bind Indians and Fint Nation.French schools and colleges were erected in the colonies. In NewFrance, the Unuline Nuns arrived in 1639 to teach girls and a JesuitCollege for boys, which was opened in 1663. A seminary for secularpriests was buiil in order to continue this approach. In Pondichbry aJesuit College opened in 1703 and the Unuline nuns arrived to offereducation to the girls especially in crafts, domestic work." Honwril Prevost, 'Mahges on th4 Csnadiins et Sauvapeb.'Rwhsrehe. Historiiue& Vol. LIV (1948), pp. 46-57.

93housekeeping etc. whereas for the boys it was vocational studies in1738. In 1735 Dumas had earmarked the proceeds from the sale ofconfiscated items in Pondichdry to the Ursuline nuns who had comefrom France at his request. Duma was concerned with the educationfor girls and thereby wanted the Ursuline sisters to start a school forthem in Pondichery with the proceeds got from the seized items.The Ursuline nuns were very aggressive in their approach to theGovernor Dumas. When a part of the allocated amount was notgiven to them they voiced their opinion against him and his privatetrade. The sisters were deported to France for raising their voiceagainst him and also because they refused to accept the authority ofthe Conseil Sup6rieur. He first punished the sisters by stopping theirsupplies and thereby making them stop their aggressive behaviourand when this did not affect them he decided to deport them back toFrance. The full-fledged school remained a dream till the eighteenthcentury. In New France, interested schoolmasters and Sisters of theCongregation went into rural areas to teach both boys and girls onan irregular basis. No such attempt at mass education developed atPondicMry where matters were further complicated by rivalrybetween Portuguese and French religious authorities on the Indiansub continentIn both New France and Pondichdry however the authoritiesfelt a need for a military hospital. The Ursuline sisters that treated

94the wounded eoldlers ran it in Pondich6ry. Dupleix gave land grantsto the hospitals that made it posslble to continue with the treatmentof the soldiers.There was also a General French hospital inPondichdry run by the Capuchin clergy. The local population ofPondichery went to the medicine man for traditional cure.TheFrench and the Creole population could get treatment from themilitary hospitals and from the Capuchin Fathers.SistersHospitallesrs arrived at QuBbec in 1639 and established a hospitalfor military and naval personnel, financed by the King, but alsoadmitted colonists and the few Amerindians who ventured to trustFrench medical treatment.The Rbilets held a study session on religious matters atQukbec in July 1616. They decided that their first mission was tocivilize the First nations by mixing them up with the French.Theytherefore proposed a three fold policy: a policy of settlement (theimmigration of colonists, Huguenots excluded, who would havetrading privileges and would teach the Indians to lead a settled life);a policy of missionary recruitment, with the establishment of aseminary; an information policy, to provide the associates with asource of information other than the reports of their own agents.These proposals constitute the first political and religious programever formulated in New France.

95It is in the first half of the seventeenth century that influence ofthe French on the First Nations was seen. This was a period whenmany of the First Nations tried to follow the French life styles. TheFrench in turn were following the First Nations survival techniquesand methods in the Newfoundland. There were very few roads orpaths that could be followed to move around the Newfoundland assuch the French learnt the First Nations method of moving around inCanoe.The problem with the French was that the birch barkscanoes were very light and cuts through the water fast as suchmanoeuvring them were very difficult.They learnt the art ofcanoeing from the First Nations that made their journey smooth.During harsh winter with heavy snowfall snowshoes were worn bythe French like the First Nations and used the toboggans for thetransport of heavy loads over the snow.Mobility into the interiorregions with all these essentials made the French to attain goals ofsettlement. The French learned the art of building houses that couldpreserve the heat and for this they leamt from the Fint nations themethod. Cellar was built first so that the house was built on theground directly. This made heat retention capacity more and thehouses were made of wood and minimized the effect of wind. Woodespeciaily logs cut into small pieces was brought into the housebefore the winter set in so that the logs needed for burning in thefireplace to get heat the house remained dry.

In order to control scurvy that was taking toll more food were96being exported from Europe.The French did not know of theannedda or the Stadocona remedy for it, Instead they startedincorporating food items like lemon, potatoes and oranges into theirdaily diet. Antiscorbutique food appeared on the French menu. Saltand salted meats; flour for bread and biscuit; hams, spices, vinegar,sugar; dry fruits like raisins, prunes; dry nuts like almonds, cashewnuts and pistachios were exported.Vegetables needed for dailyconsumption were grown in the gardens and lands. The cod thatwas exported from New France were also an item of consumption toprevent the scurvy.Among the drink local made cider of apple orgrapes drunk hot and cold, beer, wine made lotally wild grapes werecommon drinks. Apart from this distilled spirits were stored in thecellar aid the habitants could enter into the cellar.Maue the staple corn of the First Nations was one of theprincipal item from which they prepared gruel called as migan. Theymaize would be grinded and boiled with fish made a fine gruel.Other important diet was of dry com roasted in the ashes andpartaken as meal with fish or meat. With corn meal the First Nationsmade sagamild mostly made with mixed corns of all kinds and withall sorts of vegetables. The French were reluctant to take corn fortheir meals and it was their last resort. They preferred wheat andwheat products to corn. Availability of meats of all kinds like that of

97the moose and bear considered equivalent to that of the beef was adelicacy partaken by them. Moose meat was available in winter.Dog meat taken by the First nations were partaken by the French inthe initial settlement period probably out of scarcity of food. It isrecorded that in 1627 ffty-six outardes or wild geese, thirty ducks,twenty teal and some other birds were assembled for a baptismalfeasts2 As early as 1607 wild pigeons shot down and pies made outof it. On Fridays and Saturday meat was not eaten so fish from theriver especially eel was prefemd. Beaver tail that tasted like fishwas consumed and the body that tasted like mutton was not taken.Among the fruits consumed by the French settlers figs andprunes were brought from France but locally available raspberries.other small fruits and bluebenies were used as preserves along withsalt and spice to add taste to the sagamitd. Local pumpkins werecooked in water or under hot cinders and it tasted good.TheMontagnais used to drink honey like sweet substance from a treecalled Michian. (This was the maple syrup that Canada is veryfamous at present and the maple leaf is taken as the symbolicrepresentation of Canadian unity In the flag.) The process of makingtaffy or sugar candy out of the syrup was unknown to the FirstNations.' Marwl Trudel. W. 153

The Frenchmen came to know tobacco and its flavour from theFirst Nations. Tobacco grew is some parts or were brought fromMexico and Spain and became an important item of trade illegally.As a result an addiction to smoke this started among the Frenchmen.Some of them ever bartered their shirts for this product. The Jesuitsreport that tobacco smoking was difficult to get rid of the addictionwas a massive strong willed job. Many who tried to quit did so forsome time and took up the habit out of the strong addiction to it. TheFirst Nations used to smoke tobacco by puffing on the dry leaves orby putting them in a stone bowl and lighting them, thus inhaling thesmoke made them be on high. They were intoxicated with tobaccoas such it was very difficult to get them to talk when questioned. Asitself the French missionaries who ventured deep into the FirstNation area witnessed this smoking process. Groups used to sittogether to smoke and talk but when the missionaries askedquestions they were silent and kept on staring or laughing at them.This communal smoking was common among the lower castes inPondichbry where the male members used to sit together to smokeusing a single mud pot that had small-attached pipes from where thesmoke was inhaled. There is evidence of tobacco and dried Datura

99leaves bumt to smoke. ~atura" smoke when inhaled created theeffect of opium.In the field of technological exchange the French learnt themethod of forced germinating of seeds from the First Nations. TheHuron women soaked the pumpkin seeds in water, then sowed themin birch bark boxes and kept them bark boxes. This made thepumpkin seeds kept in bark boxes germinate the next day itselfprobably out of the moisture and heat trapped in the box. Sciencehad developed this technique much later but the First Nations knewabout this method much before the advancement of technology inthe form of scientific laboratories.Transporting logs and woodsduring winter became easier for the Frenchmen with the First NationTechnique by using toboggans.Champlain used this method in1623-24. The First Nations knew the modem day sauna system ofbath as they knew to sweat out. Placing hot stones under a lowround tent where the men used to sit naked together in circles oneagainst the other the sweating was generated. This produced sweatgenerated from the heat of the stones and the bodies together, inbetween they drank cold water probably not to dehydrate. After this" Datura was a medicinal plant used by the Pondicherrians for treating asthma.The dried leaves were used as a main ingredient to bum and inhak, the smokethereby causlng intoxication.

a cold bath in the river was taken making body and minds feelhealthy.100For the French intermingling with the First Nations on tradeterms and othewise learn things to improve their stay in the colonywas acceptable. The young boys of the settlers mingled freely asthey were enjoying total freedom to do what they wanted. There wasno restriction in the beginning and thus enjoying absolute freedom.At Qu6bec and Port Royal there was an embryonic European societybut in other places of the Newfoundland it was freer. When theFrench lived with the Souriquois, Montagnais, Algonquin's and theHuron's there was not much of social and religious restrictions. TheJesuits who found them going against the religion did not appreciatethis freedom. This was because the young French La Tour fathereda girl by a Souriquois woman. This was the first mbti child born andlater on there is reference of the French asking for First Nationwomen's hand and being refused by them. This was despite the factthat the Frenchmen promised to give them many things in return fortaking them as brides by marrying them. Despite all this the parentsand the clan members refused to marry their daughters or women tothe Frenchmen. During this time two Frenchmen did marry Firstnations and the women learnt French language, custom and werevery loving to their husbands.

101Champlain kidnapped and took Domagaya and made his assistin the preparation of a Fanco-Iroquois lexicon of fifty words. Whenanother group of interpreters were brought 168 words were included.in order to make the work speedier he made two Frenchmen to stayalong with the First Nations and leam their language. This did notlast long as war broke out started by the Iroquois. When the Frenchcame back they had forgotten whatever they had leamt earlier in thesixteenth century.In Acadia they faced with three languageMicmacs or Souriquois in the peninsula, Etchemim or Malecite onthe St. John and Penobscot rivers and Almouchiquois on theKennebec River.In the St. Lawrence river there were theMontagnais, further inland there were many languages but here it isonly taken into consideration as to with whom the French had tradingcontacts, was the language of the Island and PetiteNationAlgonquian on the Ottawa river, Nipissing and the Huron-Iroquoislanguage. Sagard groups all these three as Canadien as they weresimilar to each other.% Without any control itself the linguisticoffshoots tended to develop freely and since there was no grammareach evolved quickly.It became very essential that an interpreterbe kept for the Montagnais, Algonquin and another for Nipissing.The Huron-Iroquois thus called because both spoke the same

language was the common language of commerce and in the entireGreat Lake basin this was used.102The French trade with the First Nations did not make themlearn French as Colbert complained about this. The earlier tradewas where the First nations had the upper hand as they wererequested to trade and as such they knew that they did not have tolearn the French language to trade. The First Nations however didapply the French names for themselves and their children. TheMontagnais Chief Choumin had a nickname le cadet and his sonPQre Joseoh.In the first quarter of the seventeenth century terms used bythe First Nations began to be used in French like caribou ouaraon forgreen tad and Mekezin for the footwear of the First Nations, atocasfor cranberries and tom for the red berrii found in abundance in thearea. In order to overcome the linguistic obstacle, the French learntfrom the First Nations their language and tried to teach a few of theFirst Nations French so that they would serve as interpreters. Out ofthe six send to France lean the language only two came back butlearning only few broken language. It is in the end seen that theJesuits had ultimately to leam the language of the First Nations tosurvive and go on with their mission of civilising them and minglewith them. In order to leam from them it was very difficult as they

talked very less and had to be induced with tobacu, to open their103mouth.Sometimes they taught obscene words and the Jesuitspreached them thinking that it was a translation of the word theyhave just learnt. It was easy for teaching the Huron's as they lived amore settled life. The Montagnais had no sound equivalent to f, I, orv in their language as I became r and v became p. The Huron hadno labials and f became s, m turned n, and p to t." the majorproblem was also grammar, as they did not have grammar sincethere was no written language or words.In order to solve theproblem lexicons were drawn and the study of Huron language bythe RBcollet Sagard who published a Huron dictionary of 132 pagesis a work of tremendous magnitude.In the case of PondichBry it was the missionaries who learntthe local language Tamil to mingle with the Pondicherrians.Moreover the first description of travel account of the Indian Oceanand the Orient was done by Franpis Martin de Vitre of St. Malo titledDescripUon du premler voyage fait aux lndes Occldentales parles Fmnqals en I'an 1603. This work was published in 1604 andhad a tremendous influence on the French who started to India andlater on settled down in Pondichbry. In 1698 Journal des voyagesdes Gmndes Indes, Many oral and written folk tales, Jataka, storiesMarcel T~del, w.158

104and fables were translated into French especially by the RomanCatholic missionaries stationed at Bengal and South lndia andcirculated in France. In 1718 Abbe Bignon the custodian of themanuscripts of the Royal Library made a list of all the books hewanted to purchase on Literature from lndia and Indc-China.Classical works on ancient India, Vedas, epics like Ramayana andMahabharatha, Puranas, Vykarana, Nataka, Alankara, Vedanta andNyaya (Indian works on philosophy) were collected and theseSanskrit works were translated into French. Apart from this Tamilworks were also translated during this period. Father Pons was thefirst Sanskrit Grammarian in lndia as he wrote a work on SanskritGrammar and published it in France. This work has a base in Latintranslated Samksiptasara and Amarakosa. Catalogues for all theseworks were published in 1739.~ The Jesuit missionary Beschicompiled a Tamil Dictionary in 1744 and a bilingual one wasavailable however the author remains unknown.Apart from sharing knowledge the Pondicherrians aped little ofthe French and tremendous influence of the French culture was feltespecially in the nineteenth century outside the purview of the thesistime period. In New France there was mutual enthusiasm in bothFrench and First nations for some items remarkable to each other'sFnndr CyrN m y , henew of Indin. Union Territory of Pondw. Vol. 11, pg.124041

105taste. Hat used by the French were a source of admiration by theFirst Nations and they learnt to wear and use the hat like the French.The gesture of taking Off the hat and bending before departing aftermeeting a Frenchman was followed by the First Nations and in theirown culture this was not followed.It appeam that the chief ofTadoussac was very particular of following the French manner as heshowed it before he spoke at the assembly at Quebec in 1636. Avery important change that occurred was when glass beads replacedthe ~atachiaz." According to the traditions of the First Nations theywore whelk shell made beads cut into square or made into roundshape and stung together in leather strips or strings into chains orbracelets. This was their currency, jewellery, register and bondbetween nations and individuals. This was the sacred and familiarpossession of theirs. When it was supplanted it shows the influenceof a foreign culture into their traditions. Among the Souriquois ofAcadia French cooking pots replaced their treditional earthen pots.Bread the staple diet of the French was favoured above com by theFirst Nations, Instead of garden grown or cultivated things the FirstNations wanted French items like biscuit, figs, peas, beans andprunes.This showed that they were moving from agriculturalproduction also. The French to the First Nations introduced drinkingwine and brandy and other such intoxicating drinks. They had their" Mafachiez is elso nbmd as wampum, b strings and belts or porcelain ormude budr worn s.belb by Me Fint Natcns)

106traditional drinks and now bartered many things for brandy. This wasa very bad legacy of the French in the lands of the first nations. It isrecorded that the replacement of com by wheat whereby breadbecame a very popular item of food. Meat was bartered for bread bythe first nations. Montagnais murdered two Frenchmen for bread in1627.In the religious sphere the Jesuit priests played a prominentrole, as they were able to pass the tests that the First Nations did onthem. They had shaman and the priest testing strength as historyrecords that at St. Mary's Bay the Jesuit Biard placed a cross over adying woman and she was cured. At St. Sauveur in 1613 a BiardG.baptized a dying child and the child was re~tored~health. In Huroniain 1623 it rained for many days and when the Shamans prayers werenot heard the First Nations asked the missionaries.Themissionaries prayed and led by Father Joseph the good Lord heardthe prayer. This made the First nations realise the strength of themissionaries and Father Joseph earned the title of Arondiouoane.However the First Nations noticed something very peculiar aboutthemselves was that their population was decreasing tremendously.This was because of the disease that they were suffering from whichearlier they did not have. All this was becoming very noticeable andthey asked the priests about it. They believed it was the Priests whowere responsible as they brought with them the mysterious religion

107and the reality being that with the coming of the Europeans on thewhole disease spread among the innocent First Nations. Themissionaries thus broke the confidence of the first nations shamansand this paved way for disintegration of their culture. The superiorcrushed the inferior and merged into its fold all the converts. InPondich6ry there is no evidence of such a performance by themissionaries in the thesis period, however in the eighteenth centurythere is reference to the padre of the Church at Pondicheryperforming the role of person capable of taking out demons from thepersons possessed by it. Extortion of demon that has destroyed thelife of the person and thereby making the person sane probably wasdone keeping the tradition of the Bible where Jesus had done so. Itis nothing but the faith that made the person all right and the padre inturn got the name of being a miracle performer.All societies in their nascent stage place great influence on thefamily and kinship relations. In Acadia, it was the sole institution asneither the seigneurial system; the parish system or the militiasystem became implanted before the British conquest of that regionin 1710. Acadians became a clomknit society of kinship groups,many of which had good relations through intermarriage and tradewith the Miunac and Malieseet peoples. The same general patternof relationships could be found in Canada, but there otherinstitutional networks also lay claim to local and regional loyalties

108and associations. In general, colonial families differed from those inthe motherland with respect to earlier marriages, lower mortalityrates except in the initial stages of colonisation.'A completed Canadian family in the early century consisted ofa father over forty years of age, a mother in late thirties, and eightchildren ranging in age from 14 to few weeks old. This profile takesinto account the average age of marriage for women at about 22 andabout 27 for men, the spacing of births about every 23 months, andan infant mortality rate of about 246 out of every 1000 during the firstyear of life. More adults were married, and there was a markettendency for widows and widowers to remany. In short, the colonistswere fond of the married state. The number of religious, personsbound by vows of chastity was strictly limited by the state. Thecoureurs de bois were usually young bachelors who might enter intotemporary liaisons with native women and father MItis children in thehinterland, but they nearly always returned to the settlement to takeup family life.'"Marriage ceremonies left little doubt about the purpose ofmatrimony being procreation of children. In addition to the required"John F. Bosher, The family in New Fnnm In R. Douglas Francies and Donald B,Smith ds. &adinas in Canadian histow: Pre confederation (Toronto: Holt,Rinehartll Weinston, 1990)

109wedding in the parish church, custom decreed that the priest shouldbless the nuptial bed where children would be conceived as thesewice books talked about the wedding bed being deathbed fromwhere souls will be taken for god's tribunal6'The class 'distinctions in family relations were important asmembers of the local elite formed a kinship network. The lowerclasses, particularly the rural habitants, often ran into church andstate rules restricting consanguineous marriages.It has beenargued that women enjoyed favoured position in the colony enoughprotection of their rights of inheritance, marriage contract andpossessions of property.They certainly had a wider range ofeconomic opportunities open to them than was at the Englishcolonies.If women with economic status seemed equal to mensociety was still patriarcha~."~ Married women were allowed to canyon business transactions like buying property or selling slaves withthe permission of their husbands. A father had the right to decide asto how much he wanted to give as dowry for his daughter withoutconsulting his wife. Men were the legal heads of the household. Awoman could help herself against abuses only if applied to the royalcourts for a separation of goods and persons and this was grantedJsenen, The role of the church In new Franq, Totonto: Mc~raw-Hill Ryerson.1976, p.140'O Cornelius J. Jaenen, Pp. 59

l loonly in particularly notorious cases. Women very rarely won a caseagainst her husband and like wise domestic senrants and slavesnever dared to charge their owners for any crime or abuse. In NewFrance It was the widows who acquired more power and authoritythan married women to conduct business, make contracts, and serveas legal witnesses. Children were legally minors until the age oftwenty-five and as such required the permission of their parents tomarry and legal guardians managed their inheritance.Children were considered as an economic asset as they couldcontribute to economically supporting Ute family.The dreams ofparents or traditions were forced on the young children and theycontinued to grow up in that sense. Merchant families in Montreal,Quebec and Louisbourg might view children as carrying on the familybusiness or inheriting a bureaucratic position, and daughters asmaking a good marriage permitting upward social mobility. A noblefamily in the colony saw the likelihood of its children cawing on thefamily tradition in the military, ecclesiastical or bureaucratic arena,and unlike in France also in the commercial sphere. Since a numberof the colonial nobility were not wealthy, they saw great advantage if

Illa daughter married into the bourgeoisie and so regilded the familycoat of arms."'In the absence of any concept of childhood development,children were perceived and even dressed as miniature adults. Thechurch taught that at about the age of seven they had become fullyresponsible for all moral and ethical decisions and were to becreated as such. They were shown little affection, life expectancybeing so precarious. Missionaries were surprised by the affectionthey showed on their children, the permissive manner in which theyraised them, and the apparent harmony that existed in the longvi~lages."'~In PondicMry marriage was an elaborate custom and functionfollowed till few days time.Marriage was an occasion for eachfamily member to come together and the whole paraphernalia wenton for in some case few weeks. Although it is among the rich thatthis sort of tradition was followed, and among the poor and the lowercastes marriage ceremony was a matter of four days time. Once agirl was married she was taken to her husband's house as soon as" Peter Mccgk, Les Petils Sauv~oes: The Children of Eiahteenth Centurv Newm, in Joy Parr ad.. Childhood and Family in Canadian History (Toronto:McCleilsnd 6 Stewart, 1982), pp. 1743'' Cornelius J. Jaenen, NDW Fmmlo 1769. p. 85

112she attained the age of puberty.Among the Pondicherriansmarriage were held at a very young age, where the bride would be 8-10 and the groom could from 12 and above to any age. Childmarriage came to a stand still only in the nineteenth century witheducation facilities given to the young children. Widows were inplenty as they were married to older persons as such after the deathof their husband had a sad life. Parents of rich landlords and highercastes did not have any problem in getting their children married orlooking after them when they became widow. The custom was thatthe male child eventually followed the father's footstep in theoccupational sphere. For the girls they were essentially leading aquiet life looking after the children and the family. Marriages to thePondicherrians were also to procreate but in case the first wife wasnot able to conceive a chid the man could take another wife was thesystem prevailing among the Hindus. There was no limit for keepingmistress as this showed the persons wealth as he could maintain allof them.This was not considered to be sin till the missionariespropagated monogamous marriages. Among the lower castes alsothe same system prevailed and men did not follow monogamy, asthis was a free choice like the First Nations.It is among the lower castes where the women force can beseen working along with their men folk for their daily food. Theirchildren grew up with them in the fields. A women going to sow

113paddy or reap paddy carried her child to the fmld where the work wasgoing on. The child if was a very small baby was laid in a swingmade of rope and a small bed of cotton was added and the baby wasrocked to sleep by the gentle breeze under huge tamarind or mangotrees. The land was cultivated with oxen doing the ploughing andthe Indian to mange it. His wife or women folk would normally assisthim in the work and sow the paddy, or whatever crop was beingcultivated. Women played a very important role in cultivationespecially in India. Once the crop was ready, women assist inreaping the crop. In case of Pondichbry few areas were devoted tothe cultivation of paddy and here work was done by both thegenders. Men ploughed the land with ploughshare and oxen tilledthe rough land. The women laid the seeds for the crop. After theseedlings grow in few weeks time, it is the women who transplantthem from one paddy field to the other. While reaping the crop mencut and stock the rice and women help men in the thrashing. Fisherfolk had their children playing on the beach and water and growingup strong. Disease was few but with pollution and changing situationthe fitted Su~ived.The conditions of the fisher folk were different. Their womenstayed at home taking care of the children and cooking during thenighttime. The men went fishing at night and returned back with theircatch in the morning. It is the responsibility of the women to sell fish

114and gutted them forthe customers.Unfortunately they did not havethe right to keep the money that they earned from selling the fish.Their husbands who used it to drink toddy mostly took the moneytheir women folk earned for them.Thus poverty and illiteracycontinued among them to a large scale despite the missionariestaking an effort to teach the children of the fisher folk. The childrenwere considered as god's gifl so there was no limit and child bearingbecame very difficult for women, as they got older. There wereumpteen cases of women dying from childbirth pains and infectionsas later known. With the coming of missionaries they were able totake care of this aspect and provide a cleaner environment for a birthof a child, thus reducingA%alilyThe children of the farmersaccompanied their parents and would play around the fields, as therewere no schools where they could go.Women did not have any important position other than aswives and mothers. They did not have a share in the property andwhen their husbands died had to live at the mercy of their sons orwas shunned to a corner of the house. It was considered a bad signto see a widow and thereby a widow was never to attend anyimportant occasions, ceremonies and lived a lonely life. They weregood at taking care of young children and telling stories to them. As

115such the young children learnt Jataka73 stories and tales from thescriptures from the mothers. Educations to women folk were notallowed as such they did not get to read any thing. The women ofhigher castes did learn a bit of Sanskrit for performing prayers andorally recited the scriptures.The lower castes did not havescriptures to recite but deep faith in their gods that took care of them.Their faith and strength to fight for daily bread is marvellous,especially the fisher women. She survives only on the basis of hertongue as she uses her voice to hawk fish and get good price for thefish and thereby take to the family. She is the one earned for thefamily by selling the fish. In the case of the other castes the womendid not go to the market to sell anything.The women doingagricultural work were labourers who got their wages in the form ofgrain. The landlord took the grain as the end product and it is hewith his hired men decided to take to the market. The end productwas taken to the market by male members and sold by themaccording to the prim they finalised either by auction or by selling insmaller quantities. A portion of the grain was stored for daily use bythe landlords in their granaries and they kept enough to be given tothe labourers in his field as wages also. In the case of First Nationseach group had their own settlement area and lands for cultivation.It is their product and they do the cultivation themselves as there are'' Jataka taler WON sforbs with hblea translated fmm Sonakrit by the Buddhist monksfrom the Panchontmntn.

116no middlemen or labourers involved who did the work. Womenalong with men did the work to provide food for their family.in 1759 Quebec the capital of New France was forced tosurrender after a three-month siege and naval bombardment, theFirst Nation women had participated actively by helping their menforce to keep the intruders out. The following summer when theBritish amly took over Montreal the First Nations retreated back totheir areas as they could did not have the manpower to continue thewar. After the fall of most of the interior military posts and thecollapse of the Amerindian alliance system the French had to give uptheir fortification.The French sense of superiority over the First Nation andIndians culturally, if not racially, while maintaining due respect forNative rights and their usefulness in 'maintaining a French footholdon the continent.' At PondichQry the French town was laid out in'such a fashion as to segregate the indigenous Indian settlementfrom the French quarters, its administrative, commercial, cultural andreligious institutions.' In towns like Quebec and Montreal no suchsegregation was required, the First Nation having been drawn intothe French occupied countryside nearly on seductions. However,there was a social distinction evident in each town, most notably atQubbec with its Upper and Lower Towns. The fortification of Quebec

117and Pondichbry was done for the purpose of maintaining safe tradingspots and a way of colonising the indigenous population of the areas.

Chapter lVQuebec and Pondichery an urban fort city of the FrenchThe development of a structured town in Quebec was ratherslow because of the initial problems faced by Champlain and others.Champlain built the Lower Town 'Habitation" in 1608 because itfulfilled his requirements as a trading post. The town was known as a'habitation', which, according to Furetiere, meant a small colony, asettlement in a deserted and uninhabited place."It had a naturalharbour, clean drinking water, lumber, and good land for cultivationnearby. He saw that trade with permanent settlement was essentialin order to consolidate the power of France in America.The occupation of the St. Lawrence area formed the key to thevast and unknown territories from where fur supplies came. Hechose Quebec as the first settlement area on the sloping groundbetween the river and the cliffs.He built a fort, which wassurrounded by a moat, and supplied with cannons placed at thecorners. He made arrangements for the severe winter by cultivationof rye and wheat. This was the first step towards self-support toprevent any calamity. In earlier expeditions many such as those of" Rbmi Chmirr, Q&xc: A French alqnisl Town in America. 1880 10 169Q,(Onawa: Minister of the Supply and Services Canada, 1991) P. 20.

119Jacques Cartier and Sir Robewal in 1535-40 died of scurvy and lackof proper food. From Quebec the fur trade could be controlled to acertain extend. The sad part was that Quebec remained an outpostas late as the 1650.For the purpose of trade the French chose Montreal and TroisRivieres lower. MonMal became the hub of the colony. TheSuipician secular clergy came to take over the seigneury of Montrealand started their missionary work. Their target was to convert thenatives and start education for them. Qudbec, the original habitation,remained the administrative and cultural centre of the colony; acapital city designed to demonstrate authority and order. "Wallsprotected and bounded the city. Erected to afford security to theinhabitants and to safeguard territorial integrity, they hemmed in thecity's expansion; they brought about crowding and encouraged multi-storied construction.Fortification also influenced city layout byrequiring wide military roads for manoeuvres and other defenceneeds, which affected street grid patterns as well as lot division^.'^Quebec had a Lower Town that was essentially its commercialport, its merchant's quarter and its warehouses. It also had a centralcommunity space where a church was located in front of which'' RBmi Chernier, QuBbec: A French Colonial Town in America. 1660 to 1690, P18

120people could gather on public occasions. In social terms, it was thelower dass and bourgeois sector of town. The Upper Town was theenclosed section on the heights that housed the administrative,cultural and religious elite.It exemplified the common socialdistinctions of the period that were to be found in most Europeanplanned towns."The town planning undertaken by the administration of NewFrance had a passion for visible order and symmetry."in all themajor colonial towns that the French established one sees theattempt to plan growth and maintain control. The plan was also tosurvey oficial road allowances outside the towns in the rural areas tofacilitate the transport and communication. The first known townplan was that of the Governor Huault de Monlmagny for the 'cily" ofQubbac in 1634.''Though this settlement at narrowing of the St.Lawrence River had been permanently established in 1608, theEuropean population of the entire colony did not exceed 250 souls in" Bill Hiller 8 Julienne Hanscn, The Social Loaic of Space (Cambndge: CambrlgeUniversity Preu, 1989), Passim." Peter N. Moogk, puildina A House in New France: an avaunt of the ~emle~iti9Sofp. 13." ibi.,13and w smen in early Canad@ (Toronto: MeCllelland and SteWrt. 19TI),

1636.''Quebec was still a small French outpost sewing as a base121for the fur trade.When the Unuiine and Augustinian nuns arrived in 1639, abishop in 1659 and the Sulpician secular priests as seigneurs of theisland of Montreal missionary work was of paramount importance.The clergy worked with the royal officials to keep relations asharmonious as possible in the colony and to uphold the establishedorder of a hierarchical society. Progress of was however lethargicand the colony's ability to survive was in doubt until 1663 when LouisXIV assumed direct rule of Canada from the trading companies thathad administered the colony in the King's name.Officialencouragement to immigration in the 1660's raised the immigrantpopulation to about 6,500 persons in 1672, when France's wars inEurope diverted the monarch's money and interest away from thecolony.In addition to social and occupational distinctions, and visibleorder, a town required facilities of control. Although government wasgenerally benevolent and paternalistic, it was in Vleory absolutist andthe King's Will could be imposed brutally when required. Quebecand Montrbal, during most of the French regime, had no militarypeter N. ~ocgk, Buildina A House in New France: an account Of the mmexitisof dbnt end crabmen in erdv Can&, p. 13

122barracks and no large contingents of troops.Nevertheless, theFrench settlers were very conscious of the authority of the state.There were public demonstrations and boisterous protests over foodshortages, profteering and unjust levies, but these revolts againstconstituted authoritywThe concept of control to promote socialharmony, extended to local decrees regarding market days, disposalof garbage, fire prevention, hours of business, and Sundayobservance. Just as society was expected to be orderly, so townswere laid out in orderly fashion and governed by regulationsbolstering the ideals of harmony, equity and Subservience in one'sproper place in the social hierarchy.The situation in French Pondichery was similar to in NewFrance. The town planning took time, as Govemor Franpise Martinwas the one responsible for building up the fort in Pondichery thatdeveloped into the main town. The fort building was undertaken as asafety measure because war in 1676 between two Indian nobilitySher Khan Lodi and Nazir Muhammad took place. At first a bastionwas added to the loge that the French had. Franpis Martin hadmade some arrangements for people who were essential for tradepurpose to stay in Pondichery loge. He set up a separate village forthe weavers, textile painters and coral polishers so that he could get" Terence Clowlsys. 'Thunder Guecrtr: Popular Dirturbsnws in Early FrenchCsnsd.,'&tcfical Pea (1979), pp. 11-31.

123work done without any disturbances. Town planning with respect tofortification and public order were based on manuals."Thedevelopment of the European town reflected the economic interest ofthe colonial development that took place.The French and thelndians (Tamil speaking population of PondichBry) lived in separateareas that were divided by a lagoon. This lagoon was tumed into theGrand Canal built by the French as part of their drainage system andthe point of separation of the lndians from the French town. Therewere two streets that ran parallel to the canal. The Quai du Ambourand Quai du Gingy and these areas became settlement quarters ofthe Indians.Franwis Martin invited the lndians to settle and develop theplace, as he was interested in maintaining a cordial relationship withthem.However the lands that essentially became Frenchpossession were for a price as the Company had purchased thelands from the original owners. It was only in 1702 that the SuperiorCouncil set up in PondichBry played a major role in utilisation ofthese lands. The Council collected taxes from the lndians to buildthe walls of the fort.The Superior Council administered the" M, de Guignard, k' icwle de Men, ou m8moks i~t~ctifs surle Corn Milifaim(Psis: Simart, 1725) and M. Guiliaute, MBmoh sur le tw fwme de la wlkw 1749(Wealeham: Hemn, 1874). T w woilts summarized earlier dispersedtrwtber on the wtjoct.

124improvement of housing and legal property titles that had become amajor concern in the European town area. Household industries andhandicrafts moved into the town but a plan regarding thisdevelopment had yet to be traced. Pondichbry, like QuBbec, was tobe an orderly public space.Frangois Martin had to pay a huge amount of 5,000 chakras inthe court of Gingee to fortify Pondichbry. The fort was built in theform of an il~egularectangular structure near the Bay of Bengal.There were four circular towers and was called Fort ~arlong.~There were eleven plans for the fortifications and later in the urbandevelopment of Pondichbry. Nicolas de Fer (1646-1723) in 1705drew the first plan for developing and making Pondichery town abigger area. He lived in Paris and was an eminent cartographer. Hisplan de Pondichery a la cote Commandel occupe par la CompagnieRoyale des lndes Orientales mis au Jour par N, de ~ 87,'~ appears inhis work on Atlas Curieux and the same plan is also recorded inMarguerits, V. labemaide. Le RBvdufion et k,wliJsements Frencaa dansm, p 25"A Susan Gole, A Series of sarlv Dnnted maos of India in Facsimile, (New Delhi:Jayaprlnts. 1980). No: 23; for further information see Susan Gole's Earlv M ~DS Q!m. (New Yoh: Humanitis Press, 1976) and Indian Maps And Plans. fm& & . # J J - , (New Delhi: ManoharialPubliatianr, 1989)

125Beaurain's Atlas de GBogmphique Ancienne et modeme in 1751.The original size of the plan of Pondichbry appears to be just 35.5 x24cm. This plan mentioned the latitude and longitude of the townand contained other information about the streets and the town plan.In the second plan of Pondichbry the streets and adjoiningvillages are marked. This plan is dated 1748 and called 'plan de lavilie de Pondichbry".There were fourteen houses within the fortarea that came up and the local population of Pondichbty did nothave their houses there. On the roadsides there were markets in thePodicherrian area across the canna1 and all roads wereinterconnected to the market area. The third plan, dated 1750,published in the Le Petit Atlas Maritime (1764) by Jacques NiwlasFranwis Bellin clearly shows the fortifications".It included the fourgates and the full detail of the town within the fort. The whole townplan was listed in the form of numerals ranging from one to twenty-one. These twenty-one important locations were the most importantareas of the town inside the fort.'Plan du front de la villePondichBry" dated as January 1756, gives a front view dimension ofthe European town overlooking the sea. The fifih to ninth plans donot cover the time period of this thesis. Town plans for Louisbourgindicate a common concern I the eighteenth century for order, safety" J ~IJOS ~icob ~a~~in, Le w1if auas rne#img, ([micmfoml. S.l.s.n., 1974) andPlan & Nouvdb OMang, (Ithaca, New York: Historic Urban Plans. 1864).

126and social control. John Johnston, grder at l ouisboura: Measure ofControl in a French Colonial Societv. 17151758 East Lansing:Michigan State University Press, 2000) features the elaborate plansstored in the Bibliotheque National (Paris) and the Archives du Genie(Paris).The fifth plan Le Plan de la ville de Pondichdry adte par M.Ducda Pmslin en Fevrie 1768 has more details of the inner regions ofPondicherry. The sixth plan of 1771, Plan de la ville de PondichBryof Bourcet shows the town renovated after the British had destroyedit after occupying it for a period of time from 1769. "The seventhplan was of 1777, in the form of a folio entitled Registre du papiertem'er de la ville da PondichBty fait en execution de I'om'onnanca deM. M. les administmtors de Roy, en data du 1 Juillet 1777, in 28 cm x43.5cm form, indicates the buildings within the fort in various coiours.Minute details of all lands and owners are given in the registeraccompanying it. The eighth plan, Plan de la ville et environs dePondichBry lave lors du seige de cette ville fait par les Anglais an1778 provides the details of barracks that were constructed, the fourgates and an additional gate of Pondichery i.e. Madras gate alongwith the, Valudavur, Villiyanoor , Cuddalore and Muthialpet Gates.These details of the plans fmrn seventh to tenth is given only to follow the plansorder for informatim purpw and nothing elss as It does not fall in the periodtaken Iw remarch.

127General Monroe drafted the ninth plan of Pondicherry after theBritish attack of Pondichbry in 1778. The tenth plan of 1789 wasdrawn after the British returned Pondichkry to the French in 1783according to the Treaty of Versailles. The town was planned to havean oval shape with a boulevard area and a ring road ail around it.De Philines was in charge of the fortification work in 1792. Theeleventh plan of 1793 was made before Pondichbry surrendered tothe British.The town plans give an insight into the urban development ofPondichbry. The French population along with the Portuguese,Dutch and Creoles lived in the European town and the sea was thenatural boundary on the east. The Canal on the west gave the towna distinct segregationist atmosphere as it separated the areas of theIndians from the French. The streets were similar to those of Francewith the mint, the Capuchin missions, and the church all within thefort area. The Grand Bazaar was the main area of business for theFrench and the lndian merchants. The houses of the French werebuilt in the French style with grand chambers, kitchen, bathroom andcourtyard. The latrine was built in the Portuguese style outside thehouse for hygienic purposes. The houses had large gardens withflowers, fruit and vegetables. Common lndian plants and trees likecoconut, acacia, and palm were grown in the ba&yards because ofthe cash value of the kernels of the fruit. In the eighteenth century

128the houses had individual numbers to differentiate them from eachother. During the earlier part it was a sort of sign to differentiate thebuildings. The houses were built on both sides of the street withdomestic space in behveen houses to show the individual space.There was also the public space that was owned by the Compagniedes lndes Onentales, the administrators of the comptoir.The streets were well laid out, well maintained and connectedto the four gates of Pondichbry. The streets met at right angles andwere twenty-five in numbers.Wells were constructed for waterfacility in the French quarter. The Topas, Portuguese, Armeniansand the French owned property in the European area. There wererecords and registers of the property deeds. Taxes were paid on theproperty. A few lndians had property in this sector. KanadappaMudaliar the Dubash of the French Governor and Ananda RangaPillai the Dubash of Governor Dupleix, but very few others. Legaldocuments were translated from Tamil the language of the lndians ofPondichbry into French and were presented to the notary in 1742.The lndians lived in their own areas, which were more suitable fortheir intermingling with their own people. The rich lived in largehouses that were often modelled on French villas that made themfeel on par with the French.

A wall with cannon was build by the French for the protection ofthe Pondichemans. There were separate streets allocated for the129Indians according to their caste.This allocation of streets did nothave anything to do with the French. This system of separatequarters originated long before the amval of the French. Each castelived in its own area in houses made with the available materials.They differed according to family wealth. There were large familieswho lived together and followed the extended family system. Thesehouses were built in an elongated form; as the family increased thehouse was extended. The very poor and lower caste populationlived in mud houses with thatched roof of palm leaves. According tothe occupation of the population the houses differed in style. Thefishermen living near the sea had houses made of simple mudplastered with cow dung to give it strength. The roof is made ofbamboo and woven palm leaves. The houses are small and thekitchen was always outside the house a wise sign of safeguardinghouses from being bumt and causing mass destruction.Despitethis houses used to gut to pieces and nothing remained of it as thematerials used to build the house were not fireproof but wereignitable. Summer time was the wont time of fire as the heat madethe palm fronds and the similar materials used to thatch the roofignite at a very fast rate, During the rains an additional roof wasmade for the kitchen that was normally an open area with a Stovemade of mud or stone.

The chettis lived in houses that were made of stone or wood.They usually were large had a courtyard and everything needed wasinside the house. A wall surrounded the house for privacy. TheBrahmins lived in agraharam that is a typical Brahmin household. Itwas circular in shape and might be made of mud, or stone. Thepillars inside the house were wooden to support a high roof. Thecourtyard was laid out for the sun to shine into all the rooms, andbeautified with a tulsi or the basil tree. This basil tree is worshippedby the Hindus throughout India and is considered to be holy andoffered to their gods. The rooms were usually small and lackedventilation.household.The lower castes could not enter the BrahminsGuests of the same caste only were entertained.However the later Brahmins entertained their guests on verandasand sprinkled cow dung mixed with water to take away the impuritythat a person might have brought into the area. No communal mealswere partaken with persons of other castes.It is a very different situation prevailing at the New France.Quebec and Montreal there was not the same racial segregation aswas evident in Pondichery because the First Nations at Quebec livedin a separate Huron community north of the French town.AtMontreal the Iroquois lived on a separate reduction across the St.Lawrence River and the Algonkian lived around the Missouri on the

131mountain north of the French town. However, in both cases, theFirst Nations came into the European towns to sell their goods, buyin the shops and sometimes frequent the towns. Social interactionwas much more common than hitherto to as believed to have beenthe case."Travellers, such as Peter Kalm, visited the upper sector ofQuebec and therefore were less well acquainted with the humblerparts of town. The inhabitants of the lower town used to drive theircattle and sheep up the slope to pasture on the plain behind theelitist quarter until the Governor ordered the Upper Town closed offand a stairway just wide enough for one person built connecting theupper and lower towns. In 1676, the Sovereign Council issued urbanregulations, a model at the time, for ~u6bec.~ These regulationsimposed a building code, fire precautions, garbage disposal,environmental guidelines and hygienic practices. They had littleimpact on the lower town, however, where low, narrow wooden andblack stone houses crowded together at the foot of cliff. Along thewaterfront in no particular order were the merchant warehouses with85 [This is the conclus~on of Jan Grabouski, 'The Common Ground. Settied Nativesand French in Montreal, 1667.1760;(Unpublished Ph.D, thesis, University ofMontreal, 1993), pp. 189-191, 303-3053" Cornelius Jaenen 8 Cecilia Morgan, as., Material Memow Documents in Pre-Gonfederation Hiatgy (Don Mills: Addition-Wesley, 1998): pp. 30-32.

132quarters above or adjoining, artisans' workshops and retail bakeries,butcher shops and grocers. At the mouth of the St. Charles Riversprawled the royal shipyards, dominated halfway up the slope by abrewery and the Intendant's residence.Montreal was a much more bustling commercial centrebecause of the annual trade fair when hundreds of Native canoeman came each spring, hundreds of French voyageurs joined themin flotillas laden with trade goods for the Upper Country eachautumn, and dozens of soldiers were filleted among the inhabitants.A wooden palisade enclosing stone commercial buildings, wooden orstone houses, dominated by six or seven steeples, surrounded thetown.There were more taverns than shops giving the town anunruly rep~tation.~'When the French acquired Pondichery they had to purchaseland or obtain it from the Nawabs as gifts for their neutrality orsupport in internal wars. The Governor of Pondichery sold land tothe missionaries rather than offering it as a gift. Franqois Martin,Governor of Pondichbry, sold land to the Capuchin clergy who cameto settle in Pondichbry but they did not have the full amount to pay tothe Governor. It was the Indians who helped them with a sum Of 119" Olivirr MaurauH, Mpntrbal en 1742 (QuBbec: Cahiers des Dih, 1942)

133pagodas and 22 panams to buy the plot where they built theirchurch. The Capuchins built their residence and a hospital with tensmall rooms to take care of the sick. They got a bigger house whenMadame Dupleix helped them.They bought a building from awidow named Catelouse and turned it into an orphanage. This wasregistered on 29 December 1758 in order to shelter all orphanincluding few Indians. This was a much appreciated communityservice.The Bazaar in Pondichery was the main hub of the fort. MainlyIndians ran the bazaar and the French had a minor role in themarket.The bazaar sold any thing like perishable and non-perishable goods. There was heavy demand for tobacco, sugar,onion and turmeric.On Tuesdays the weekly market was held onthe roadsides of the bazaar and an estimated ten thousand peoplegathered to buy or sell goods. The Chettis had the monopoly in themarket area. They owned the shops and interchange of goods tookplace at this market. The warehouses were built near the shore butthere were few Indian warehouses in the European town. Goodswere brought from the markets to the warehouses and from they'retaken to the port to be taken by ship to various parts of the world.The roads from the bazaar were linked to the port for this purpose.Slaves transported goods onto the ships or from the ship to themarket area. The market was also the place for slave trade. The

Governors of Pondichery indulged in the slave trade and a betterprice was paid for boys than girls.134By 1672 confidence in Canada's future led to the first effectivemeasures in town plans. In that year Francois Dollier de Casson,superior of the Sulpician Clergy who was the seigneurs of MontrealIsland marked out the streets of 'ville Marie de Montreal." Thiswestemmost settlement in the St. Lawrence valley had been founded30 years earlier and was harassed by the Iroquois Confederacy thatlooked upon the community as an intrusion into its territory. In 1672,Governor General Buade de Frontenac made the case for regulatingthe town of Quebec's development.'Nothing," he wrote to theMinister of the Marine and Colonies,'has appeared to me to be sofine and so magnificent as the location of the town of Quebec [...I,but I find, or rather it seems to me, that a very grave error has beencommitted in allowing private individuals to build houses according totheir own fancy and without any order [...I. I believe one shouldconsider not only the present situation, but also the future stage Ofthing^."^ He proposed to the minister to endorse a plan for thefortification of the town.This was done to facilitate any individualwanting to construct or build any street and squares within the townarea.The individual would take into consideration the existing' Guy Ftwun, La de /as Nwve/leFlpa~a, P. 73-14.

135symmetry of the town and continue construction. Frontenac did notawait a reply from the King of France. In March 1673 he forbadefurther construction unless authorized by him and in conformity withthe projected street alignments 'to give, by this means, some formand symmetry to a town that one day must be the capital of animmense co~ntry.'~'The Lower town of Quebec was too well advanced in itshaphazard growth and its site was too confined to yield to a vision ofbroad avenues and expensive squares. In the 1680's the smallPiace Royale was created with the monarch's bust in bronze as itscentrepiece and a minimum width of twelve feet was set for theLower Town's streets. The same street allowance was chosen forTrois-Rivibres in 1735, nearly a century after that town had beenestablished. The Upper Town of Quebec was still malleable in theseventeenth century and two arteries, SaintJean and Saint-Louisstreets were run parallel to one another through the town. Onebegan at the 'grand place" in front of the cathedral and the other ledfrom the Governor's fort to the royal road that, by 1734, linked thetowns in the St. Lawrence valley. The division of Quebec into anupper elitist town and a lower commercial popular sector, with theIntendant housed halfway between the two areas, illustrate" Guy FrBpaun, La Civilisatbn de /as Nwvelle-Fmng, p.14

geographically the ideal social structure the French hoped torecreate in the colony. As one-eighteenth century writer observed,'the superior class ... will always be the most powerful brake keepingthe popular masses from straying from their ~bedience."~'The layoutof the town of Qu6bec bespoke of symbolic power and establishedhierarchy of social Class and occupation. Closely associated withthis ordering of society was the administration of justice aimed atmaintaining royal authority, aristocratic privilege and social136harmony."This was the ideal 'pacified society' that the Frenchwere trying to build.g2The royal administration wanted the towns of New France to becompact as well as defensible and these suburbs developed whilethere was still vacant land within the town walls. It was an absurdsituation created, in part, by people who accumulated town lots forspeculation.The Intendants of the colony, whose jurisdictionextended to public order in the towns, tried to force the owners ofunoccupied lots to either build on that land or to sell it to someonewho would erect a house. In April 1685, those with vacant land inLOUIS SIbast~n Merciea, Tableau da Paris (Amsterdam: 1Q89), Vol. XII, p. 4.O'Jacques Mathlew, La NwvelleFmnce, les Francais en Amdriaua du Nod,WIe-Wllle si&/g, (QuBbec: Pressen de I'UnivenitB Laval, 1991), pp. 98-101" Nwberl Elks, 1 a Clvilisath des m z (Pa& ~ Celmann-Levy, 1978) pp.116118.

137QuBbec's Lower Town were ordered to do just that by the followingsummer. The law was ineffective for it had to be reissued in 1707with a provision for reuniting the empty lots to the royal domain. It isremarkable that there was still unused land in an area whoseconfined location forced residents to build on small lots. At Montkalthe demands of the intendent were modest; in 1688 each residentwas restricted to owing one square arpent within the town and onthat site the owner was to build 'a house of stone and mortar or ofheavy timber with a masonry chimney' within a year.In the Initial decades of French settlements, the population ofthe colony was more urban than rural. Urbanisation engenders itsown fonn of social organisation and fosters a particular kind of~andscape.'~ It gives rise to institutions like in QuBbec, the way oflife, which is different from the villages, certain sets of activities,which are different from those of the rural folk. In a colonial context,urbanisation takes on a special character; a petition shows as fromsome of the inhabitants of Quebec to the Sovereign Council in1683.~ In the town area in Quebec the merchants had privilegesthat protected their trade. This was according to the regulationgranted in 1645. They had the exclusive rights to the fur trade withinthe area. Thus they were the only ones who could have authorised" Chenief, Quebec A French Colonial Town In America. 1660 to 169P. p. 9." Ibid., 9

138shops and stores in the area. The merchants in a petition to thecouncil reminded them of why the special privileges were granted tothem that they wished to have respected and enforced.At the conceptual level, there was not a perfect match betweenthe kind of colonial town that Quebec was and towns or cities inFrance certain traits were common to both. Quebec was first andforemost a Catholic capital in a Catholic colony, but it was also atown of refuge (with its poor), a military town (with its forts, itsgarrison, its own governor, and its militia), and a trading town (withits public squares, its markets, and the privileges afforded its owncitizens but denied to non- resident^).^' Too, the town wasincreasingly becoming a place of retirement; people were retiringthere to live a quieter, easier life than was possible in thecountryside.Quebec was nevertheless similar to French towns and cities interms of its physical characteristics. Despite Montmagny's initialplan, its streets still evoked the layout of medieval towns, and itsmany open spaces gave it a rustic atmosphere. In the Upper Town amultiplicity of convents, monasteries, and churches (the seminary,the buildings housing the Jesuit, Unuline, and Recollect orders, the' Chenier, @ebac A French Colonial Tom in America. 16BO to 16QQ p.11

Hotel Dieu, and the cathedral) pervaded the urban landscape, whilein the Lower town, a Certain amount of crowding could already beseen. Royal engineers in the colony were less closely supervisedthan in France therefore they were able to plan towns 'to be broad,functional, cut out of the whole cloth to a single pattern," in theopinion of Anne ~lanchard.~ In the 1720s Jean Francois de Ve~illedrew up plans for the town and fortification of Louisbourg along thesame line as Qubbec.139Pondichery became the entrbpot for activities of French inIndo-China. Pondichbry being an entrbpot had affected the structureof the fort town.As all administrative and port activities wereconcentrated near the sea and around the square close to theresidential areas of the Frenchmen called as Viile Blanche a proof ofFrench rational superiority consciousness.The construction of thePondichbry fort was on the basis of for of Vauban de Tourani inFrance. Fran~ois Martin started the construction of the Pondichbtyfort in 1702 and by the time he passed away the town had apopulation including the Pondicherrians of forty thousand. The fortwas christened Fort St. Louis in 1706 and same time Martin passedaway. During his time itself five bastions were built on the north,west, south part of the town. These bastions were named Bastion" Anne Blanchard, Les' du mv de Louis XIV et a Louis XVI: dtude dupms des fwtfl~atim. (Montpellier: Universitb Paul-ValbV. 1Q79), PP. 429432.

140Dauphin, Bastion Bourgogne, Bastion Berry, Bastion Bretagne, andBastion de la ~ompagnie."The successors of Franqois Martin like Duliver and Hebert didnot do anything for the maintenance of the fort. They were busy withslave trade and their own activities. Under Lenoir the fort was takencare of by aligning the streets. Planting flowers, shade trees andgardens in the public areas beautified the town. Streets were linedwith shade trees like mango, neern, peepal, and tamarind so that thepedestrians can enjoy cool breeze and shade during hot summers.Permission was granted by Lenoir to the rich landlord to build rnultistoried houses, and Governor Lenoirs house was made of brick andtiled roof. From 1728 onwards construction of residential and officialbuildings took place in the Pondichbry fort. A prison for natives wasbuilt near the Grand Bazaar. A hospital in 1734 was constructed onthe southwest part of the fort. The mint house was built near the oldCuddalore Gate in 1736.Foundation for a new Govemon palacewas laid by Dumas in 1738. The palace was with a clock tower butDumas did not have the pleasure of living there for a long time.The fort area was destroyed by the British attack and all theconstructions had to be redone in 1765 by Law de Lauriston came as97 Frands Cyril htony, w r(Pondicheny: Government Press, 1982) P. 1191of India Pond~cherrv State, Val. 11,

141the Governor. Till then the French functioned from an area outsidethe Fort. Houses of the Pondicherrians destroyed and of the Frenchwere rebuilt in three years time. It is interesting to note that Law wasconsiderate towards the weaving community like Martin. He madesure that they had trees planted between their houses so that theycould continue with weaving from the house itself. A very commonsite in Pondichery even now is of weaver weaving cloth tied betweentwo trees. This fort and town area functioned smoothly till it fell intothe hands of the British in 1774.In 1759 Quebec the fortified capital of New France was forcedto capitulate after a three-month siege and naval bombardment. Thefollowing summer three British armies entered Montrbal, and afterthe fall of most of the interior military posts and the coilapse of theFirst nation alliance system. The commercial centre of the colonywas unable to withstand a siege therefore a capitulation wasarranged in the September of 1760. The colony was under militaryoccupation and military rule for three years. The definitive Treaty ofParis in 1763 ceded New France to the British crown and in 1764 acivil government was established.The immediate British policy was to attempt to reconcile thenew subjects Canadians and First Nations to the British rule. It wassoon realized the British and French societies had some common

142characteristics, so that the British regime would also be thecontinuation of what has been called an ancien regime society. TwoFrench regime institutions survived the conquest and took on addedsignificance under the new rulers-the church and the seigneurialsystem. The Roman Catholic Church continued to provide religiouseducational and welfare services, and began to play an importantrole in the formation of the ideology of the conquered population.The seigneurial tract was fully occupied and provided a region ofhomogeneous population that British immigrants could not penetrate.So there arose the concept of two charter groups, the descendantsof the hvo European colonizing powers.The British began to introduce their organisational frameworkbut had to make many concessions to the already established socialorder. These concessions established in Canada a principle ofduality in the colony. Under British rule the society along the banksof St. Lawrence continued to evolve within a different and aliencontext.New France lived on in Quebec and through this newexpression of itself, is referred to as the French fact and influencedthe development of whole of Canada.

Chapter VAgriculture pattern in New France and PondichbryThe most striking feature of French Canadian society isits very persistence, enduring over the centuries in an alien, oftenhostile environment. This capacity for survival has been attributed toa number of factors, some related to time and circumstances andsome to the product of conscious effort. One hypothesis is that asan agrarian society French Canada was able to survive because itwas physically and socially isolated from external influences, at leastup to the time North America began to industrialize.Anotherexplanation is the nature of the rural French-Canadian community,with its seigneurial origins and its well-integrated structure.Moreover, it is argued that the traditional French-Canadian elites,especially the clergy, succeeded in isolating the community from theNorth American mainstream by perpetrating an ideology and a rangeof social policies that kept intact French Canada's distinctiveinstitutions and way of life.One finds opposing ideologies and differences of interpretationabout the colonial bourgeoisie and agriculture in the St. Lawrencevalley. The seigneurial question is of great importance in Quebec

1 44historiography. From F. X. Garneau's Histoire du Canada (1845-48)to 1960, the dominant thesis was that before being transplanted toNew France, the seigneurial system of the ancien regime had beenthe object of purification. Canada was to be a classless society andof a nation homogeneous in terms of ethnic origin, language, andreligion.Explorers, traders and missionaries pushed along the St.Lawrence along the tributaries of Great Lakes draining into HudsonBay and Gulf of Mexico.Along the St. Lawrence agriculturalsettlement was narrowly constri~ted.~ It is here that the CanadianShield presses in upon the river from the north. During the FrenchRegime beaver pelts were an attraction to the Shield area as a resultagricultural settlements reduced tremendously. 'The Shield and theSt. Lawrence intersect twenty-five miles below Quebec and at thepoint of intersection hills rise sharply from the river for a thousandfeet or more. To the east the walls of hills is broken in severalplaces, and the valleys inundated by the postglacial Champlain Sea,are covered with sedimentary deposits on which fertile soils haveformed. Such a valley at Baie Saint-Paul opposite Ile aux Courdreswas settled before 1700, but most of the north shore was cut off tosettlement twenty-five miles below Quebec. From there the river" Richard Colebrwk Harris, pg 9-10

145swings away from the shield to a maximum distance midwaybetween Quebec and Montreal of more than twenty miles."seTowards the south of the river is the northeastward extensionof the Appalachian Rough lands.The relief in these hills andmountains is not unlike that of the southern fringes of the Shield, andthe effects of glaciations are almost as marked. A mantle of glacialdrift coven the underlying sedimentary rocks, but soils developed onthis ground are generally more fertile and cultivable than in theShield area. During the French regime, the northwestern boundarywas a barrier to settlement. At Montreal this boundary is forty milesaway, at Lake Saint-Pierre at least thirty and below Quebec does itapproach the river. The settlement on the west of the Ile de Montrealwas restricted by Canadian governors and Intendants who would notgrant seigneuries along either the upper St. Lawrence or the OttawaRiver the two principal routes of the fur trade. Farms on both theroutes have been exposed to attacks by the Fint ~ations.'~~ Thehabitants used these routed legally and illegally. The St. Lawrencewaterway drew on an enormous hinterland, agricultural settlementand the seigneurial system expanded in the narrow limits i.e. withineo Richard Colebrook Harris pg.10. A Map No. B is given towards the end of thethesis to show the principal waterways in Canada.'m Richard CWwk, p. 10-11

the area bounded by the Shield, the Appalachian Rough lands, andthe western limit of seigneurial c~ncessions.'~'146Although not an ideal system seigneurialism did not imposeone roads dues on consistories that would have discouragedagricultural settlement.The system became more like themetropolitan system as the colony became populated; land suitablefor fanning taken up, and villages appeared along the banks of theSt. Lawrence waterways.Seigneurs began to exercise theirtraditional privileges, to increase their dues whenever newconcessions were granted and to reside in urban areas while livingfrom the revenues of their rural estates.Nevertheless, during the years of French rule, the system wasnever unduly oppressive; the habitant fanner was not a serf but afree as an independent owner of his land. Cole Harris in his TheSeioneurial Svstem in Canada 1966) provides a balancedassessment of the advantages and disadvantages of this system oflandholding and agricultural producti~n.'~~ The first work of MarcelTrudel in the 1950s, and of Georges Baillargeon ten years later, aswell as Maurice Seguin's thesis, La NaUon Canadienne et 1'lo' Refer to Map No. C for further detail towards the end of the thesis.I02Richard Colebrook Hams, Tho Saiineuriai System in Canada (Madison:University of Winsin Press, 1968), pp. 1-75

147agriculture 1760-1860, reinforced this historiographical tradition thatheld that after 1760 it was the English seigneurs who diverted theregime from its original design and transformed it into an exploitativesystem.The French officials dealt with the headman of the villagecommunity in French India so that peace could be maintained. TheIndian villages around Pondichbry had a village governance body,which was under the headman. The French considered it importantto get the trust of the village headman as his words were the rule andthe population of the village would act accordingly. This officialrecognition was to ensure that there would be no problem in therevenue collection.The French followed the Dutch method ofcollection of revenue as it was more organised and was prevalent inPondichbry.The agricultural pattern, land tenure, and land grants inPondich6ry and New France will give an idea of the actualcolonisation process that the French adopted. This is apart from theeconomic gain in the form of revenue generated from agriculturalproduce. In the process of exploring revenue the areas of cultivationcould produce, the French implemented the seigniorial system. InPondichery the system was not successful, as there was an existingsystem of agriculture that seemed more proffable. It was the

148Compagnie des lndes Occidentales, in charge of the administrationin the area that acquired land for the crown. It was not the same inNew France where the direct rule of the monarch was introduced in1663. The idea of peaceful coexistence following the traditionalpattern of agriculture with little innovation at Pondichbry broughtmany villages under direct French control. All these villages wererich revenue producing areas. The villages Theduvanatham andArchivak (Abhishekapakkam), Odiyampattu, Thirukkanji andKottakuppam were given to M. Dumas by Nawab Safdar Alikhan, theNawab of Carnatic, as a gift for his exemplary courage and wisdomshown during the Maratha incursion in September 1740.In Hyderabad, Nasir Jung became the Nizam, but soonthereafter he was killed.Dupleix who became the Governor ofPondichbry in 1722 made Muuafar Jung the Nizam of Hyderabadand sent a military force for his protection.Muuafar Jung waspleased with the help rendered to him by the French, and he gaveDupleix as Maniam (freeland), Bahur, Valudavur and Villinuar andBahur in full possession. These lands that were given as gifts werethe governor's personal property. But a part of the tax collected fromthese lands went to the Crown coffers. It is very interesting that theland revenue system was called Ijem. The middlemen called taxfarmers collected taxes; these middlemen collected more thanrequired legally so that they could keep part as their personal gain.

Early evidence of land administration about nearby places inPondichery is known from the Bahur plates of the IX century. Thisrecord the gift of three villages near Pondichbry given to a personnamed as Vidyastana. The Bahur plates rewrd that the boundariesof land given were differentiated by seeing the permanent locationssuch as rivers, mountains or rock, canals, big tree etc. as landmarks.All the land within the kingdom has been surveyed and detailedrecords of the land rights, including schedules of tax-free lands weremaintained in the registers. Details of waste lands, lakes, tanks,wells and river, rocks and even trees were recorded for the purposeof giving land as grants to temples and Brahmins or for revenuepurp~se.'~' During the time of the Cholas land was the main form ofland revenue as such lands were classified into different grades asmany as twelve or more grades (taram). The unclassified land wasknown as taramili During the Vijayanagar period land revenue andland assessment was very severe. During the Mughal period forbetter administration purpose land mass was divided into subahswhich was subdivided into sarkan and each sarkars comprised ofparganas. Each pargana consisted of a union of different villagesunder the control of amaldar.'@ Francis Cyril Antony. weer of India. Union Territow of Pondichem. Vol. I1(Pondicherry: Administration of the Union Territory of Pondicherry, 1982), p. 923

150In Pondichbry Anandaranga Pillai's Diary emphasises the factthat parganas and the appointment of amaldan was prevalent. TheFrench followed the land revenue administration of the Dutch andwhat was prevalent earlier. Direct land pattern of that time was thatit was farmed out to renters and who gave it to the renters or leasedit to the ryots under adamanomlM (usually an agreement signedbetween the ryot and the renter who was the farmer). Land wasgenerally farmed out for a period of five yean as the generalcondition of the crop depended on many conditions. As such it wasbetter to take or give the land for a stipulated amount of period waswhat was followed. The ti~ai and the varam form of adamanondeductions of about ten percent was made from the crop before itwas harvested by the ryot for payment of village servants, artisans,temples needs etc. The choice was left to the ryot to pay the duesand normally the adamanom ti~ai was preferred because theownership of land was his and in the varam he was slave of thefarmer.Land was classified as paddy that was wetland or small grainthat was in dry land. The dry land was usually assigned on a fixedrent tirvai while the wetland was rented or cultivated to the cropIMLand was granted under two heeds in adamanom called vararn and tirvai.Under the tiwai the land was granted to the ryot on fixed rent. Under varam theproduce was shared between the farmers and the ryots.

I51sharing system. In the case of the lands having irrigation facilities,varam gave more to the farmers than to the cultivators as thecultivators received 113, 112, 215 to 9/20 of the crops according to thenature of crop. Under the tirvai the accounts were settled in twocrops. Samba crops are abundant and the cultivator paid two third ofhis tirvai and in the second karcrop that was not very abundant. Thethird cultivation of crop was meant for the cultivator. The cultivatorwas given extra time by the farmer in case his crop was not rideenough for hawesting and in retum the cultivator gave gifts to thefarmer. In some cases where extension of time was over the cropwent to the new account of the farmer and the cultivator was at aloss.The assignment of lands on the adamanon was made clear tothe people by beating of tom-tom thus giving it a public declarationand also by giving wwles that contained the rates of the land.lo5 Thedeeds pertaining to the adamanoms were generally registered withthe local notary called Tabellion. The quantum of share indicated inone deed was the basis to fix the share for the subsequentadamanom. So a ryot often writes a less figure of his share in orderso that he has to pay a less share. Land was handed over fromfather to son and sometimes it did to belong to them also'" Francis Cyril Antony, Gazetteer of India, Vol. II, p. 927 from A.A. 1827,Ordonnanca of 26 May 1827,pp. 11C-122

The land revenue was collected by the amaldan who is postedin each parganas or group of villages and there were two peonsappointed by the king. These peons were bound to give the renterand the farmer accounts of each year and of each village. Thecollected amount had to be remitted to the treasury before the duedate. Permission however was granted to the amaldar to remit thearrear after the due date and they were to give gifts to theGovernon. Nattars or the village headmen helped the amaldars inperforming their duties.In order to mark the beginning of thecollection of land revenue, tying toranams or flags in each villagewas started and the amaldars as well as the nattars gave to thefarmers the details of expenditure incurred. The farmers levied someextra taxes like resum'" and sadalwar '''atthe ate of ten percent ofthe total amount. Sometimes an extra amount was collected for theexpenditure on the European soldiers and coolies admitted in thehospital.lo8 It is seen that only after 1816 the French brought someregulations with regard to land regulation and on 25 October 1826issued an Ordonnance Royal. 'Under this ordinance lands were tobe perpetually farmed out to Europeans or their descendants and'" Resum was a cuslornary perquisites107Sadalwar was a continpncms tax'w~rancis Cyril Antony. Gazetteer of India. Vol. I1p. 927 as in B.O. Mte of 23 May1845, p. 11

153they were to enjoy all the rights of a French citizen on condition thatthe land should be brought under cultivation within a fixed time. Thefarmer had to pay a security equal to two years lease amount andwere allowed to rent out their lands in turn to others."10eTh6 Compagnie des lndes Occidentales exploited lands andgot an income of 524 pagodas of which 229 came fromAriyankuppam, 84 from Kalapet and 76 from Olandai. The balanceof 135pagodas came from the seven small villages. In 1706 whenthe Ozhukarai was acquired 566 pagodas was got in total and thisamount doubled, as the lands were very fertile in this area.'l0 In1710 when Hebert was the Governor the Company followed thesystem prevailing in Pondichbry of renting out lands for a specificnumber of years. The revenue of the company increased to 42,553French livres."'Nainiappapillai the Mudaliar chief was responsiblefor enhancing the French land revenue, as he was the mediocre fornegotiation with the Carnatic Nawab the Murungappakkam village forthe French. The French Company in return started granting lands toPondicherrians for cultivation. In 1724 lands of Ariyankuppam andOzhukarai villages were given to Guruvappapillai the nephew of'" Francis Cyril Antony, Gazetteer d Indie. Vol. II p. 927"O bi., p. 945 as in Paul Kaeppelin. La mpagnie des lndes Orientales elFranvir Martin, 1808, p. 5381'1Fnncb Cyril Antony, Gazenesr ofInd&. Vol. II p. 945

is4Anandarangapillai at the rate of 2,155 pagodas.ii21733 for fiveyears four important areas were leased out to rich Pondicherians atthe rate of 2,649 pagodas per annum. The lease was renewed foranother period of five years in 1738 at 4,152 pagodas. The Frenchmade a huge profit and the distribution is given below-Year of land leased by the French 1773'"Ozhukarai villages2.017 pagodasAriyankuppam village's0,619 pagodasFrom the official records it is understood that land revenueunderwent changes and cultivation of the land was mostly done bythe low castes and ownenhip of the land was in he hands of the richlandlords. Cultivation depended on hired labour and a large numberof agricultural labourers increased during the French rule inPondichBry."' Franc18 Cyril Antony, pareneer of lndip Vol. II p and elso in Yvonne RobertGaebelB. Enfance et Adokscance d' Ananda Rangapoullb , p.72Francis cyril Antony, mofIndio.04. II p and also in Martineau.Dupleix et lSln& Fmnpiw, Vol. 11, 1920, p, 54

155In New France, the Govemor and Intendants under royalgovernment (1663-1760) did not obtain land. However. it was notillegal to seek remuneration over and above the annual salaries theywere paid. Instead of investing in land, which was plentiful andcheap in the seventeenth century, the royal officials turned to the furtrade. They formed alliances with prominent merchants in the colonyto this end. However, this often brought them into conflict with rivalmerchants, as was the case with Governor Frontenac's interests inthe activities of the explorer-trader, Cavelier de La ~aile."'The agriculture of French India was closely connected to thepolicy of assimilation. The village community was bound togethereconomically on the basis of traditional occupations.Eachcommunity was divided into an infinite variety of sub groups. In theFrench villages included the Chetfis, the merchant class, the Reddis,the landowners, and the Vaniyas. The territory of Pondichery wasdivided into eight communes. However, these were not communessimilar to those in France. These were districts each comprisingabout thirty villages called "'ldees" 'The aldee (small village) wascomposed of about one hundred dwellings. There were in eachaldee two or three large houses of leading landlords or notablemerchants."4 john F, ~ ~ ~ho~ b ~ (o(Odord: , Oxford Univenity PrW.19.87) for a mprehensive description of commercial affairs.

Landowners, tenants, fanners and agricultural labourers madeup the population of the aldee. The PaNy or the Vaniyas were themajor cultivating caste in Pondichbry's rural hinterland. The majorityof cultivators were owners of the lands, but most of them owned onlya few kulis (1 kuli is equivalent to 53-25 m2). The rich landownerspossessed 30 to 50 kanys and a very few possessed more than 100kanys. (12 kany is equal to 5,350 m2, about % hectare). The richlandlords had at their service pannayals who lived in a state of semibondage. These pannayals were men, who put themselves at theservices of a landlord either to pay the interest on an old debt or as amean of making a living. They did not receive wages in the form ofcash. They were given a meal daily and at the end of the monthtwenty-two measures of paddy were given to feed him and his family.A very interesting custom quite like in the stories given in the Bible,in practice in certain aldees of Bahur, is to give to the Pannayal asmuch millet as his wife can carry as wages.During the Frenchregime agriculture became more and more commercialised.In New France Gedeon de Catalogne, royal surveyor, made asurvey of the rural region in 1712."5The agricultural land at thattime was divided into seventy-eight seigneuries that had been"' Gedeon de Catalogne, 'Mdmoire sur les seianeurie$' Bulletin de RechercherHisloriques No. Z(1915) pp 257-335.

157granted mostly to military officers,civil servants, merchants and afew mariners. As the seigneuries became populated, the landrendered productive by the consitaires (free farmers), who receivedthe land free but were subject to annual dues called cens et rentes inperpetuity, the seignuers began to enjoy increased income and manyretired to Montreal or Quebec leaving the administration of theirestates to a managers. This was not a feudal system because theconsitaires were not bound to the land but could annul their contractswhenever they wished. Some farmers did leave their land to engagein the fur trade or operate town tavern.The land on the whole in Pondichdry was classified into threecategories - wetlands, dry lands and wastelands. In the wetlands themain crops cultivated were paddy (rice the staple food of southIndia), plantain, coconut, palm, sugarcane, betel leaves and betel nut(areca nuts). In the dry land, or manavav land, the crops cultivatedwere cotton, groundnut and millet, which were considered to be cashcrops.The wastelands were the barren lands including themarshlands, where cultivation could not be done.In New France, the farms were surveyed into long narrowstrips"'running back from the St. Lawrence and Richelieu River to' Map No. D given towards the end of the thesis.

158the hilly and rocky Appalachian range. This survey pattern meantthat the farmhouses were relatively close together along both banksof the river giving the countryside the aspect of a ribbon of settlementrather than of distinct villages. Each farm usually had a variety ofsoils and terrain suitable to mixed farming.At the river's edge,where fishing was carried out, the marshland provided fodder forcattle. Then came rich dark soils suitable for cereal crops, thenupland meadows for grazing cattle and sheep.And finally theforested hills that provided wood for fuel lumber and stone forbuilding. The French settlers grew a variety of pulses and theseturned out to be good source of food that kept them healthy duringlong winters.In the days of Pallavas or the Vijayanagar rulers somehistorians assert that there was a type of feudalism different fromEuropean feudalism. There was no pyramidal structure of feudalauthority. The mar am"' system of land tenure and theNayankara"8 system in the military tended to depict the Vijayanagar117Amaram system d lend tenure was started in M]ayanagarrule in South ind~e."' Nayankara system of land revenue prevailed during the Vqayanagar dynastyrule in South India. According to the system under started Deve Raya lands weregiven to the Nayaks who ware the important commanden of the king or to nobles.These commanders and nobles would maintain a certain amount of soldiin andhones for the king. They were supposed to help the king in case of war and

as a feudal society.The French in Pondichbry realised the159importance of agriculture and had provided irrigation facilities byconstructing reservoirs, feeding channels and other diversion. In factmany of the existing irrigation works were carried out during theFrench period. The famous 'Ousten Lake" was the largest lake andprominent source of water for the Villianur Commune. It had beenbuilt during the days of Vijayanagar rulers and was repaired by theFrench.Ananda Ranga Pillai, the Indian Dubash to the Frenchcompany during the period of Dupleix was known to have spentmoney for the repair of reservoirs and canals in Pondichery. TheFrench had undertaken the construction of a few ~nicuts"~ inprovide all assistance. In return for this service the King gave land grants to theNayaks. The Nayaks maintained the soldiers and the horses from the taxescollected on the lands. The lands were sublet to small farmers who would cuhivatethe lands and in return get small amount of wages or a parl of share of the crop.The major share went to the Nayaks. Tlw lands under the Nayenkara system werehereditary. As such the Nayaks became very powelful and they revolted againstthe king and became independent sovereigns. Thus the Vqayanagar Nlers facedthe problem from the Neyaks and the Nayaks led Vijayanagar for a certainperiod of time.'ID It is lhke the modern version of a small dam but was built with stone, lime andmoltar and was the main source of collection of rainwater with doors that could bemodulated to let water flow into smaller tunnels built. This in turn was connected

160Pondichbry.They repaired the Sutfakanni anicut; it served theirrigation of Sutfakanni Village.The Kilur anicut built acrossKuduvayur was another contribution of the French. Again, the creditgoes to the French for the repair of the ancient anicut at Tirvkkanji.The French paid attention to canal irrigation.Villianur channelstarting from Pillaiyarkupparn anicut provided with direct irrigationfacility to an area of about 200 hectares in Villianur and Ozhukara~commune.Besides, well and tanks were used for irrigation. Having takenkeen interest in the development of agriculture and irrigation facilitiesfor the cultivation of more acres of lands, the French company aimedat getting fixed revenue from the land. At first, the French used tocollect land revenue directly but it proved to be a hard task for themdue to the insincere and evasive tactics practised by the nativeclerks, who were employed by the company in assisting in taxassessment and collection. To ensure a 'fixed' income the Frenchtook to Uim (a form of land revenue) 'farming' of its territories to thechosen one, naturally to the highest bidder. When the companycould not get a handsome offer it resorted to direct collection.appointing its own clerks and others. This was because the personto the main Irrigation fields where the caretaker of the fdds would supervise theflow of water and regulate the water according to the need. Once the water wasfed into the hlds the anicut doers would be closed so that water is preserved.

161in charge of collection was a middleman who would take out hiscommission before giving the remaining revenue to the Company.He was able to manipulate the records to suit his purpose.The company was the owner of the entire lands that werebought from the native Pondicherrians. However, in the years 1706and 1708 Olugarai village was leased out to Sinnagaridy for a fixedamount. At times, the company farmed out its villages, the sale oftobacco, beverages, fishing rights and other source of revenue. Theduty of the revenue collector was the collection of revenue for thecompany. Also he took care of irrigation facilities in the villages thatwere directly allotted to him. Revenue was collected in cash as wellas in kind and the company had the final say in the mode ofcollection. Payment in cash could be made in instalments, as anindication of the market value of the crops. Natural calamities couldalso make it necessary to pay by instalments.In spite of the various measures taken by the company, after1770 there followed a period of acute financial distress atPondichbry. There were no funds available to pay the civil andmilitary employees or to purchase provisions for the inhabitants. Animportant reason for this crisis was the defective system of collectingrevenues under the company's administration.All collection ofrevenue generated from land like amca nuts, betel leaves, tobacco,

alcohol (which was in the form of toddy, which was tapped by thetoddy tappers from the palm trees) from customs (both land and sea)162etc. was farmed out to private persons.Mostly rich nativePondicherrians and in some cases those closely connected with theadministrative officials. The system was open to abuse. Added tothe already existing financial crisis the company was faced with theoutbreak of famines at different periods. The famine of 1687 was theearliest mentioned in the records. Famine was marked by shortagesof food as people migrated to different places in search ofassistance.Franpis Martin arranged for the import of rice fordistribution to the poor. Similar famines occurred in the years 1708,1711 and 1737. However the one that occurred in 1760 was theworst. In order to eradicate the shortage of food and to stimulate theimport of cereals to the town, duties and levies were suspended.Comparison with the situation in New France is difficultbecause the Compagnie des lndas Omidentales was not interestedin land but rather held the monopoly of the export of furs to France.All hides, dressed furs were to pass through its warehouses inQuBbec, where an export duty was imposed, for a shipment toFrance. Monthal merchants accumulated the monopoly by sendingsome furs clandestinely, using Amerindian middlemen who were freeto trade in their own interests with both French and English, to

Albany and New York, thus avoiding paying duty and also obtainingsome English manufactured goods in exchange.163The French were humanitarian in their outlook towards revenuecollection. Whenever there was scarcity of fwd-grains as the resultof drought and famine, they relaxed the entry tax on food-grains.The tax collected from the inhabitants for fortifying Pondichdry waswithdrawn in view of their sorry state even after persistent pressurefrom France for its continuation. Company officials were willing toignore imperial orders out of consideration for local crises.TheFrench in Pondichery ensured a fixed sum of revenue to carry oncommercial enterprises through the farming out system.Thecompany did not bring in much innovation in the field of agriculture,but it encouraged the cultivation of those cash crops like groundnuts,paddy, betel, and sugarcane, that brought in substantial revenues.Lack of innovation may also be traced to the rural backwardness ofthe French in their homeland in the field of agriculture. in the field ofagriculture they more or less followed traditional practices found inthe rest of village society in India during the medieval period. '*' inNew France, a similar humanitarian view persisted. During yeas ofdrought or insect infestations that reduced crop yields, price controlswere put in place to assure fair prices for flour and bread.'m Revue Hislotique Do Pondicherry, Vol.XIII 1976-1B80, p.138

The Seigne~rial system in France originated in the Gall*Roman period and had developed as part of the ancient land tenure,which was an important aspect of feudalism. Land became a keysupport of the social structure as dignity of man was assessed on thebasis of his land holdings. The King granted lands to nobles inexchange for services, particularly militaly services, and soestablished a social hierarchy based on land tenure. The lord orseigneur then granted small plots to peasants farmers in exchangefor annual dues based on the production of the land. During theFrench regime in New France, it was found necessary to modify theCustom of Paris in order to suit the needs of the population to whichit was app~ied.'~' There was abundant land in the colony but it hadfirst to be cleared of its forests and brought into cultivation.Seigneurs, therefore, could not impose onerous obligations onpioneer farmers. Instead, they found it difficult to attract settlers todevelop their estates or seigneuries. The royal officials found itnecessary to assume the burden of encouraging immigration whenthe monopoly company, the religious orders, and seigneur failed toattract large numbers of settlers from France."' Dorothy A. Heneker, The Seianiorial Regime in Canada. (Quebec: Canada.1927), p. 24.

165Land granted in the seignuerial system was in a geometricpattern as it was connected to the waterways. The seigneuries hadthe river at the frontage and this facilated in irrigating the fields ofcrops grown by them.lz2 In order to make sure that the seigneuriesget access to water the land was divided into long strips that couldbe extended further.To establish a geometric pattern theboundaries must be pointed in the same southwest north easternlydirection as the river. Parallel lines perpendicular to the frontagemust be drawn giving to the seigneuries the shape of a narrowrectangles running in a northwest-south easternly direction.lZ3 Theapplication of this geographical pattern was visible in the Bourbonmap.The geographic pattern according to Trudel does not limit itselfto the main division but also is seen in the smaller strips and divisionof the seigneuries.The seigneuries that were very large areBeaupr6, the island of Montrdal, Batuscan, and Capde-la-Madeline;the last two extends 20 leagues (equal to 3 miles) into the interior.Another was Lauzon covering an area of 36 Leagues. No seigneurhad the right to keep the seigneury for his exclusive use. He couldreserve only a portion, called reserve or domain direct because helUMarcel Trudel, The Seigneurmi Regime, Ottawa: the Canadian Historical&sadation Bodtktt No. 6,1976, p. 2-4I23TNdel, The Selgneuriai Regime. pg. 2-4

166owned and occupied it directly. Champlain reserved an arpent offive (one is equal to 27 and half arpents) frontage by a ~eague.'~The seigneur had a duty towards the state by following whatstate needs from him. It was mandatory for him to maintain a manorhouse. Whether he lives or does not live a year is of no concern tothe state. The manor house should have a responsible tenant tolook afier the affairs of the house. The consistaire would populatethe seigneuries. The seigneur had to cede the land and was notpermitted to sell woods of his land unless it was a part ofcolonization. Apart from this the seigneur had to build and operate aflourmill, oven. This was must as he had to report to the state aboutthe developments and the state could ask the censistaire to build itand collect toll.In reality the seigneur owned the land but everything belongs tothe king. The mines and oak trees found in the seigneurs land wasthe sole property of the king. The seigneur cannot cut the oak for hispersonal use as oak being a sturdy tree the timber was used to buildships. The seigneur faced tremendous pressure to maintain theseigneuries as Louis IV would take away the land grant in case it'" Map No. E is given towards the end of the thee to show the QuebecMttbinent as drawn by Champlain.

was found that a manor house was not well maintained and did notgenerate the necessary funds.167It was in 1608 that Champlain built the Quebec habitation,1637 marked the beginning of the distribution of lots of land.lZ5 TheCompany of New France granted a total of 792 % arpents of land tocommoners, (not to nobles), in Quebec and its immediatesurrounding^.^'^ The first grant of seigneury of Sault-au-Maytelotwas to a Parisian apothecary Louis ~ebert.'"Champlain hadpersuaded him to immigrate with his whole family in 1617 and theDuc de Ventadour made the grant in 1626.lZ8 During the regime ofthe Company of New France, according to its charter, the merchantinvestors were to recruit immigrants and establish them in thecolony. This approach proved ineffective because investors wereinterested in the fur trade and not in agriculture, therefore the Crownassumed control in 1663. The use of a charter company to colonizeNew France was ineffective because France was self-sufficient inagriculture and did not require the cereals or cattle a colony mightprovide.Settlers were difficult to recruit because Canada wasbelieved to be a cold hostile land populated by wild savages. It took"'Dorothy A. Heneker, Seioniorial Reaime in Canada,, p. 126ln ibi.. p. 126'"ibi., p. 40 from (Can& and itr Pmvinws Val. II p. 393).In iM., p. 40

168some time to overcome this negative image of the colony, Investorswere interested in profits and there would come only from codfishand furs. Neither the fishery, which was a seasonal metropolitanenterprise, nor the fur trade represented any extensive colonisation.When agriculture did develop it was to support the small localpopulation, unlike the commercial and plantation agriculture of moretemperate zone colonies.Seigneurial jurisdiction was originally in France a source ofsubstantial profit, but in Quebec, owing to meager population. Thesettlement along Quebec concentrated along the north shore fromBeaupre to Trois ~iveres,'~' towards the west of QuBbec. Very littlerevenue from fines and fees, etc., accrued to the seigneur, andconsequently his judicial rights were apparently never exercised toany very important degree.'= In France, property and jurisdictionwere generally, though not always, inseparable during the feudal era,this apparently was never so in Quebec.The possession of aseigneury did not of itself carry any jurisdiction; this right could onlybe obtained by express grant. As a rule, judicial authority was rarelybestowed on the Canadian seigneur after the introduction of royal129Map No. F, G towards the end of the thesisDorothy A. Heneker, -e in Cenadg, P. 113'" ibd., p. 113

'The various religious communities settled in upper town ofQubbec because of the protection the fort walls provided andbecause more land was available there than in the lower town. In1650, Mme. De La Peltrie gave two arpents to the Ursulines, whoalso received an extra perche 'along the side of their yard, and twoperches on its length." Beginning in 1651, the Ursulines also gainedpossession of a three-troise strip that separated their land from rueSaint-Louis.In 1655 Pere Guillaume Vignal gave them half anarpent located outside of their yard on rue Saint-Louis. The sameyear the Ursulines bought from Robert Caron a lot 36 pieds wide by90 pieds deep at the corner of rue du Parloir and the three trois strip.The order also possessed land in Lower Town.By 1663 theUrsulines owned 9.7 arpents in Qubbec.This was so unlikePondichbry where the Unuiine and the Jesuits bought the lands. Inaddition to land the Ursulines were given a monopoly on the eelfishing in the St. Lawrence were, a source of revenue.Like the Unulines, the Hospitals got a concession of 12arpents in Upper Town in March 1637. However, by the time thenuns took possession of the land in 1640, the area had beenreduced to 7.5 arpents. In the same year, Guillaume Couillard gavethem 25 perches of land so that a laundry could be built. Later, in1644, he sold the Hotel-Dieu an arpent and a half of land that fronted

170on the Saint-Charles River.Eleven years later he gave theHospitalieres a small parcel of land 'to help in the building of a newinfinary, chapel, and an enclosure around the hospital." Couillardalso donated the Hotel-Dieu the land for a cemetery in 1661. ByJune 1663 the Hospitalieres property had increased to 9.33 arpents,or 8397.2 square toises. Other lots were added to the property after1663. In 1665 the gardener at the Hotel-Dieu, Denis Diedonne,transferred to them ten arpents that fronted on what is now C6te du~alais.'"The Jesuits got a grant of 12 arpnts in 1637, but it, too, wasreduced, to 6 arpents, 42 perches. In 1637 their college site wasenlarged by the purchase of two arpents from Guillaume Couiliard.The Jesuits were also granted two other lots outside their mainlocation; these lots looked onto the square on which Notre-Damechurch was built and adjoined the Ursulines' land. In 1661 the Notre-Dame fabriqudparish granted them 70 perches, in a triangular lot,between their location and Cbte de la Fabrique. On the north side ofthe street the parish also gave them 28 perches in January 1663.Including the land they held in Lower Town, the Jesuits had a total8686.6 square toises in Qubbec, equal to that of the Ursuiines.DomUly A. Hensker, Wniorial Recime in Canada, P. 113

171The Notre-Dame parish was set up in 1645, and the gift of a lot80 pieds by 38 pieds from Guillaume Couillard meant that a parishchurch could be built. Seven years later, Couillard gave 80 perchesto the parish or parish council. These two initial lots combined toform the socalled fief of the parish. In June 1651 the parish councilgot a concession of 38.5 perches and another of one arpent, whichwas bounded by the streets that are now Buade, des Jardines,Sainte-Anne, and du Tresor. In May 1652 12.5 perches increasedthe holdings by 140 perches and later in 1654-55. The latter lot wasresewed from the land that Governor d' Ailleboust had set aside forhimself on rue Baude. The fabrique's fief totaled some 9.75 arpentsin 1656. Before 1663 the parish also owned the land on which thecemetery was built on CBte de la Fabrique.By 1663 the three religious communities mentioned above andthe parish owned over 27 per cent of the land in Quebec. Thisaffected the town's development, particularly in Upper Town. Thetown of Governor Montmagny reduced the initial concessionsgranted to them in order to leave room for other residents to buildtheir houses. His attempts to rationalise Quebec's development andto establish a plan for it ran into difficulties because of the existingconcessions. '''Remi Chenirr, p 134

The Arrets of Marly in 1711 were important land laws in thehistory of France. Their purpose was to see that the land was 'put tocultivation and occupied by inhabitants" rather than left unused asthe private property of a seigneur. In effect these laws set up whathas been called compulsory sub-exploitation.13The king wasinformed of the seigneurs who refused to concede land to thesettlers but held them in speculation, hoping that land values wouldrise.Unconceded land earned no revenue for the seigneurs.General Murray describes the seigneurial system that he found inoperation when he took control of the colony in 1760.'~~The tenure of the lands here is of two sorts: 1.The Fiefs ofSeigneuries. These lands are deemed noble; on the demise of thepossessor his eldest son inherits one-half, and shares with the otherchildren in the remainder; if any of these die without posterity, thebrothers share the portion of the deceased exdusive of the sisters.The purchaser of these fiefs enters into all the privileges andimmunities of the same, but pays a fifth of the purchase-money tothe sovereign, who is lord of the soil.By law the seigneur isrestricted from selling any part of his land that is not cleared. Is'= J.H.Stewafl Reid, Kenneth McNaught and Hany S.Crowe. A Source book ofCanadian (hgrnana, Toronto: 1859) p. 31'Ulbid,, p. 31.

173likewise obliged (reserving a suffciency for his own private domain)to concede the remainder to such of the inhabitants as require thesame, at an annual rent, not exceeding one sol or one half pennysterling, for each arpent.This was the law only after 1711 .] The seigneurs have had theright of high, middle, and low justice in their several fiefs [i.e. ofholding courts of various degrees of importance], but this wasattended with so many abuses and inconvenience that the inferiorjurisdictions were mostly disused. 2. Tene en Roture.The landsconceded by the seigneurs [to the habitants] are the second sorts oftenure, and these are called terres en routes.The property isentirely in [the possession of] the possessors and the rent they paycan never be raised upon them. They can sell it as they please, butthe purchaser is obliged to pay a twelfth part of the purchase-moneyto the seignueur. The children of both sexes share equally in thelands, but if upon a division, the several parts are found unequal tothe subsistence of a family, they are obliged to sell to one another.By law no man can build upon a piece of land of less extent than onearpent and a half in front, upon a depth of thirty or forty. This wasdone with a view to promote cultivation, and to oblige the inhabitantsto spread out.'36'= J.H. Stewart Reid, p. 31. Myrray misunderstood nntes to be rent, rather thanan annual kvy.

The whole system of the seigneur granting the land to therequesting individual was very important.The seigneur couldestablish a court of law in his seigneury, erect a mill where thehabitants were required to grind their gain of pay a fee in kind.Hunting and fishing levees were seldom exacted. The habitant whowas granted land had to pay annually cens et rentes in cash or inkind. The farmers had the right over the produce of the land andthey could transfer the land to their heirs or sell it as they pleased.The seigneurial system left its mark on New France, as it was theonly form of property in the entire area. The colonial application ofthis landholding system was much less exploitive than in France.The richness of the soil and the capacity to produce was neverdoubted because of the initial harvest of the crop. Initial problems ofcultivation were soon overcome; as a result production wassatisfactory. Agricultural land was in strips that were rectangular inshape and extended back from frontage on a river. There was anincrease in the cultivation of staple crops that brought in moreproduce.starvation.This was to have enough winter stock to preventCrops like barley, wheat, rye, oats, were extensivelycultivated along with vegetables grown in patches. Cattle and sheepprovided the much-needed meat for the population of Quebec.There was no dearth of fishas the fishermen all along St. Lawrence

175harvested it. Agriculture accounted for eighty percent of thepopulation's economic activity by 1750. Once established the farmercould buy things for his needs with the produce of the land hecultivated and owned. The habitants or farmers had often come outas indentured servants. A large proportion of the colonists were ofurban origin in France, not peasants accustomed to farming. '"This was very different to the condition in Pondichery where thetenants had no control over the profits from the produce. Profits wentto the person who owned the land. However they could keep acertain pati of the produce for their use thus ensuring that they donot die of hunger. Much land was in the hands of the lndians andalso of French omcials. Land was purchased from the lndians orwas given as gifts in return for favours from the French. The farmerswho cultivated the fields were tenants and did not own the land.They lived on the wages earned in kind from the owner. Those landsthat were under the Company were sublet to rich lndians who in turngave the land for cultivation to the tenants. The revenue collectedfrom the lands went into different pockets before reaching theCompany. This was why there was lots of loss from the projectedrevenues. As the population increased and the value of land variedthe hold over the farmers and the tenants increased. Land began to'" For further information Leslie Chaquette, Frenchmen into Peasants M-mitvinjhe Pwolina of New Francp (Cambrige: Hnvard University Press, 1997)

176be considered as a symbol of power and subsistence was theconcept that emerged from this.Women In the seigneurlal systemThis is essentially brought into the thesis in the seigneurialcontext because it is they who lived along with the seigneurs andchanged the history of New France. As with all areas of historicalscholarship, women's history and historiography does not have anymeaning without dealing wRh them in the colonial context. There isvery little literature available on women colonial women especially ofNew France and Pondichbry. What is available is of a biographicalnature and did not have any relevance to the women theory ofhistory. The general tendency while dealing with the women's issueis considering them as an oppressed group and dealing with theirstruggles against their oppressors. By treating women as a victimplaces them in a male-defined conceptual framework thus makingthem passive.The existence of women in the extraordinarily harsh climateNew France is remarkable both in the traditional way of life and moredifficult for the First Nation women who had come into contact withEuropean settlers. Many of them married the French had to live inthe French style and they did so because they were gentle andloving. They adjusted to their husband's way of life and even learnt

177French so that communication became easy.In New Francewinning out the hands of First Nation women and usurping theirancestral land was becoming a part of the young French males life.The colonial settlers had a quest for land and this crossed the needfor maintaining First NationJEuropean military alliances that hadpreviously kept the Europeans in check.Colonial and imperialgovernments considered the natives as an encumbrance, toprogress. First Nations found themselves placed on reselves setaside for them, more often than agriculturally unproductive land.This was a process that began in central and eastern Canada iteventually moved west.The First Nations who were assimilatedwere those who were closely connected with the French culture orwere trading partners. For the First Nations assimilation meant thatthose tribes who proffered high status, power, and recognition towomen now had to follow the Christian mental make up where thewoman's place was subordinate to man, not equal to man.As Sylvia Van Kirk has detailed, the coming of the Europeansmeant a lowering of status form many native women. In WesternCanada where the fur trade was still strong at mid century and wherealliances had occurred between the traders and native women, thecoming of white women meant too often the throwing off of nativewives. White women were unwilling to accept First Nation women astheir equals despite the fact that both shared the challenges of living

178in a world in which the wilderness surrounded them. For women ofnative ancestry this had been true from time immemorial.ForEuropean women, leaving the confines of settled communities, forwhat they saw as an uncivilized land, was a new and at timesterrifying experience made easier in some cases by feeling superiorto the native women they found living there.Feeling superior to others may have helped psychologically,but it could not negate the physical hardships experienced by whitewomen settlers.At the beginning of settlement dislocation tookplace for families and individuals. Women travelled from one part ofthe country to other in search for a better future for themselves.They braved the rough weather at the sea and came to realise thatlife was not that easy in the wilderness. Women who voluntarilycame with their families or travelled alone survived because of theirhope that they were helping to build a better future for themselvesand their loved ones.For some emigration enthusiasts, thesewomen represented the tangible bonds of Empire, a way ofexpanding Britain's rule. The single women who were coming toNew France were the kings daughters who were asked to settledown and there by populate the barren New France.Women who came to Canada to homestead with their familiesfound the challenges of pioneering had just begun. One of the

179conditions that were most difficult to accept was the isolation. Theharsh Canadian winters in much of the country added to the sense ofbeing cut off from all that women had known in their former homes.This physical isolation was accentuated by the fact that for manyfamilies contact with the outside world was limited because of cost ofpens, ink, paper, stamps, books and magazines.With theseigneurial system the women had a house of their own and families.Their status was much better than many others in Pondichbry buteverything came with a price.The seigneurial system was introduced into the colony by theCompany of New France not only to provide a rational and legalframework for land-holding with which Frenchmen were familiar andalso as a method of colonisation because the seigneurs requiredcensitaires to provide them with an income. It was expected bysome to provide a system of social and state control. It did provideCanada with a basic land survey system, running along both banksof the St. Lawrence River, then with successive rangs behind theriverfront concessions. It did not favour the development of towns orservice centers, so that by 1760 there were still only three towns, sixnucleated villages and 4 hamlets'38 between the islands of Montrealand Orleans. The Custom of Paris required equal division of half the1 3Map No. H is given towards the end of the thesis

1 SOproperty between all the children, male and female, on the death ofthe parents. This would have resulted in excessively small holdingshad families not worked out strategies to avoid too much subdivisionof the land. In the end the seigneurial system had two importantconsequences for the future development of Canada. One was thatit divided a framework for a class structure in which the seigneurincreasingly asserted their rights and privileges, and the other thatseigneurial tract had become virtually fully occupied by the end of theFrench regime do that it became a closed area of franwphonepopu~ation.'~~In wntrast, the French at Pondicherry had to invest to settledown as coionisers. In the case of New France they did not have topurchase the land from the First Nations. In the case of New Francethe seigneurial system did change the geography and pattern. Thiswas also a cause for the economic development of the Quebecregion. The principal change that was witnessed in Quebec andother parts of the region was the independence asserted under theseigneurial system. Royal officials in Pondichery and Quebec couldregulate the commercial life of the towns and thereby supervise theexports as well as imports passed through QuBbec. However theydid not have any control over the habitants in the St. Lawrence area.'" Marcel Trudel, pg. 6

181This was probably because it was becoming expensive and difficultto monitor the seigneuries.It did not have any change in thePondichbry scenario in the agrarian

Chapter VIFrench Military and Industries in Pondichbry andQuebecThe military garrisons were stationed near the fort and werewell disciplined. The continuous threat from the British and theIndian rulers who were opposing the rule of the foreigners kept theFrench military alert.There were many expeditions against theBritish undertaken by the French governors Mahe La Bourdanaiswho was the commander-in-chief in two expeditions. San Thomewas captured from the British but was given back. Governor Dupleixeven paid the soldiers out of his savings when the finances that weresent from France were late. He had money that could be circulatedfor such purposes, a proof of his indulgence in private trade thatprovided the necessary money in case of such emergencies.Moreover, during the time of Dupleix, France sent less financialsupport to its colonies as the King expected them to manage with themoney made in the trade and taxes collected. In the case of NewFrance there was no need for a large military force to be stationed inQuebec.The numbers were few and the forces included theCanadian militiamen and war parties of First Nations who had thebirch bark canoe that cut through the waters at a fast pace. The

183vran in seventeenth centuri New France were with other FirstNations, especially the Iroquois and the English.New France began as commercial counter rather thanagricultural settlement but moved on to assimiiate setilementrequirements for various purposes. Historiar~s presumed that themercantilist restriction were responsible lor the slow economicdevelopment of New Frsnce. The first Intendant Jean Talon drea!?tof building the colony on the Colbertian plans he ran into oppositionfrom the mercantilist :heotist who considered that the state has to bepowerful rather than the individuai. This made his efforts useless butin !he long run it saved the colony from complete collapse of non-viable er!terprises. There was limited success to his scheme ofgrowing hemp, flax and tar was supplied to the royal navy. Thischanged because from Frarice itself cheaper and better qualityproducts were brought thereby reducing the growing of hemp or flax.There was little demand for Cape Breton coal; the age of steam hadnot arrived. Copper and iron deposits around Lake Superior werevery far to be brought for any use into the settlement area. Talonwas responsible for stimulating srnall fishi~g industry and transportinto the interior regions. As a result of this goods couM be easilytransported from one place to other.

In New France, generally local manufacturing was discouragedso those metropolitan-manufactured goods would find a ready184market.Colonies it was hoped would provide raw materials formetropolitan manufacturers according to mercantilist theory. Twoexceptions were made in New France for the iron foundry at St.Maurice, which turned out stoves and utensils, and for the royalshipyards near QuBbec. In 1730 Poulin de Francheville opened abog ironworks on the St. Maurice north of Trois ~ivi&res."~ Theymanufactured apart from stoves, cauldrons, pots, axe heads, smalltools and other such useful implements."'Franwis-Antoine Cugnetpurchased the struggling plant in 1735 and within three years it wasoperable at full way.This operation however in 1743 went intobankruptcy.The state assumed the ownership of an importantindustry of the colony. The profits were marginal. The steel makingand cannon founding in 1747 were not very successful ventures.The Newfoundland area became an enterprising area forcolonial private enterprise in building vessels for the St. Lawrencefishery and Labrador whaling operations.Large river bargetransportation encouraged shipbuilding for the French navy. In 1732the Ministry of Marine offered an amount for every vessel built in the'" Jeanen, New France. Depl. p.3914' ~ i ~ Gaumond, h ~ l les Fomes de Saint-Mauricg (Quebec : Societb Historiquede QuBbec, 1968)

185colony. About eight to ten (8-10) vessels built were found fit enoughfor cut across the waterways. In 1730 Royal shipyards at St. Charlesnear Quebec were established, as labour and finance were neededwhich was lacking. 1740s ten warship were launched and in 1750two. At least 230 vessels of several size and types were built atQuebec and around 75 at Louisbourg. Very small establishmentsturned out 14 vessels, including four anned naval vessels, on LakeOntario, one on Lake Erie and one on the Lake Superior. The majornaval project failed because it proved to be too expensive to importskilled workers from France. The vessels made in Quebec turnedout to be of inferior quality as such had to be replaced at short timespan. The colonial seasonal day workers who were well paid did allthe unskilled work.Where as the skilled workers coming fromFrance were not paid well. They lived in very unhygienic conditionsand had to work longer hours than the unskilled workers. They weredirectly under the naval authorities. As a result in 1741 first striketook place and their contracts were abruptly ended.The Naval authorities realized the loss of all this enterprise, asthey found that the oak and pine were not of good quality as suchships were not strong enough in the waters. For storing lumber anddrying them became impossible because of the weather conditionsand ships launched in the river sometimes would hit the bottom ofthe riverbed as the water was shallow where the ship was being

186launched. All this and many other reasons made France turn toBaltic lumber for domestic construction and brought vessels from theDutch as this turned out to be cheaper.Apart from furs and hides New France had little to export,although wheat and codfish were sent briefly to the French WestIndies. Industries did not develop to any great extent the colonybecause of the prevailing local conditions rather than because ofmercantilist restrictions. There were few colonists with sufficientcapital to invest, few skilled workers to practice their various trades,and a very limited marked for manufactured goods because of asmall population. Critics 'who cite the order to close down a hatmanufacture in 'Montreal because it contravened mercantilistlegislation fail to recognize' that it saved the investors from certainbankruptcy because there was no viable colonial demand for theproduct.Mercantilism actually worked in favour of the colonialmerchants because the high risks of oceanic trade insurance, loss a!sea, piracy, warfare, victual!ing were borne by the metropolitarrsuppliers In fact, the Crown subsidized local basic enterprises suchas brewing, soap makinn, slete quarrying, hemp cultivation, andpotash production."'

187For the purpose of transportation in the colonies the Frenchmanufactured snowshoes and birch bark canoes to carry cargoeswere used. For travelling in summer the calbche with remarkablespeed was built by the French. The trade in France was regulatedby guilds and in New France by religious fraternities with a saint astheir patron.This became a social vehicle for boisterouscelebrations that the clergy sought to curb. The self-regulationsimposed by the artisanal groups and the Crown did not appreciateguilds. However the colonial administration was intent to exclude allforms of organued control groups, such as guilds, and leave arts;trades and crafts open to all co~onists."~At Pondichdry the situation was somewhat different becausethe cloth industry was well established and the town exported toFrance. To stimulate this industry the authorities settled soldieis onsmall concessions with a view to employing them as artisans.Weavers were brought in to bolster local production contrary tomercantilist theory. It was Fianpis Martin who saw the importanceof developing the textile Industry in Pondichery and he knew thelocal weaving community. The Kaikolars who were once patronizedby the Vijayanagar rulers lost their job due to the decline of theempire. Wthout patronage for the weaving and lack of employmentlU Peter N. Moogk. In the Darkness of a Basement: Craftsmen's Association inEarly French Canada in Canadian Historical Review, LVII, 4, 1976, pg. 399421

188the Kaikolars were becoming extinct. When Franpis Martin locateda few groups of artisans left near Madras he persuaded them tocome to Pondichbry and start the weaving industry. The rest of theartisan group had migrated to other parts of India. As the textileindustry grew in Pondichbry the artisans returned to continue to do!heir traditional work on a large scale. In the beginning the weaversCad just a shed that had a tin roof to protect them from the rain.Then it grew into an industry but they were not well paid for theirwork. The dying industry developed in a large unit in Muthialpet inPondichery and cotton of all kind was being dyed. This dyed cottonwas to be exported to different places.The rapid development of modern artillery, with gun-foundriesand powerful mills to run the arms factcries, power magazines andd6pbts in important cities of the state, introduced new industrial units.These industrial uniis produced in &n eflicient manner a betterproduct. The high quality guns produced by the arms factories in theIndian States were all done unde: the supervision of the Frenchofficers. However, ill Por~d~chitry there was no arm industry bu!production unit in other states supplied to the French who were wellstocked in armaments and did not depend on France. Gunpowderwas mixed and produced on a large scale in Pondichbry by theIndians under the supervision of the French ofticials. This powderwas used in making ~renadrs also and was supplied to other parts

189of India.Dulpleix in supported the use of arms and armaments inPondichery. He made sure that the fort had a place to develop thearms industry. It is from Pondichery that ready-made guns weresupplied to other parts of India, especially to the Indian nobility whorequired them from the French.Franpis Martin had decided as early as 1676 to utiiise theservices of natives alongside the Europeans soldiers to defendPondichery against attacks by Maratha and Mughal forces. It wasonly in 1740 that Governor Dumas organised military and hadmilitary p~wer.'~ For the first time sepoy or sepaye was organisedas units in the military by Dupleix. This was the beginning oforganisation in the formation of a disciplined group of soldiers for acause in the military. He was not able to get the European soldiersto motivate to join the army and thereby his choice fell to selectsuitable soldiers from the local population of Pondichery. Dupleixunderstood the mentality of the people 1.e. the caste issue whenjoining the army. He therefore selected the castes that could providehim with the help for organising his military unit. The Kshatriya andMuslims were the main group from whom the soldiers were recruitedfor military service.Dupleix maintained a regiment of Marathacavalry and a Negro (black)145 regiment probably of slaves broughtIUFrancis Cyril Anlony. Gazette of India, Vol 11, pg.1005"' ibtd.. 1162

190from Africa In 1748 the Mughal Emperor conferred on him the titleof Khan Mansubdar-Nabab Muzaffer Singh Bahadur. This titleentitled him to raise an any of his own and he had the right of deathand life of his subjects in the area of his rule. This title made Dupleixraise an army of Pondicherrians as soldiers, gave them training inEuropean artillery and war tactics. By the treaty of 1763 in Europe,the strength of the French military came down to six battalions.The stores with arms and ammunitions were located near theresidence of the French Governor as were the warehouses. Veryfew Indians possessed warehouses in the white town and Dupleix'sDubash Ananda Ranga Pillai had one where all the goods that hewas trading were stored ready to be transported in ships for tradethroughout the world. A gunpowder factory was located outside thewhite town probably because of the hazards it posed. Private tradein armaments and textiles existed on a large scale. Benoit Dumasused his position as Governor of Pondichbry to consolidate hiscommercial interests and to compel his competitors to accommodatehis investments in their profitable venturesThe private trade of Dumas as Governor of Pondichery.Dupleix as Governor of Chandranagore, and La Bourdannais atBourbon and Mauritius were constantly conflicting. The coins thatwere used for trade since the coming of the Europeans underwent

191lots of changes. The main form of exchange was gold and silverwins, but the coins of Europe were not legal tender in India.European traders brought in silver ingots and Indian rulers convertedthem into coins. 1735 Dumas got the firman from the Nawab ofkrcot to mint the ~icca"~ at Pondichery The mint at Pondicheryminted the silver Sicca like the Arcot Nawabs with the name ofMuhammad Shah inscribed on one side in Persian and hisnineteenth year of reign inscribed on the other side. The first coin tobe minted was on 1737. He paid a lot of money as gift for thisfavour.That was a great boost to the metallurgy industry inPondichety.Dupleix in return asked the favour of the Mughalemperor and was granted a finnan to mint the Mughal Sicca atChandranagore. Dumas asked the Nawab of Arcot to make therupee minted at Pondichery legal tender and the Nawab did so. BothDupleix and La Bourdonnas after their initial resistance acceptedDumas as partner in their own private concerns. Dumas fell foul ofthe Catholic religious orders because he was secular in his approachto the Indians in Pondichbry and more interested in local trade thancultural matters as an asset to his activities."There was two form of rupee prevalent as legal tender one was the silver sjccaissued by the Nawab of Arcat. The weight and fineness sllghtly lnferior to those ofthe Sicca rupee minted by the Mughal empsror.

! 92After 1717, the merchants of Quebec and Montreal werepermitted to meet as a body to discuss were permitted to meet, as abody to discuss business matters as an embryonic Chamber ofCommerce, as existed in the chief metropolitan ports.Thesewholesale merchants were often agents of metropolitan French firmsand adhered closely to metropolitan fashions and tastes. There wasalways a shortage of currency in the colony, although the line ofTours was the standard for exchange, so letters of credit and lettersof exchange were used in most commercial transactions. Foreigncoins circulated freely. Merchants found it useful to curry the favourof the Intendant in order to obtain supply contracts from the~rown.'"Law and order and Judiciary In Quebec and PondlcheryThe Intendant was the head of the judicial system and hesupe~ised the entire court system and procedure. He interpretedthe custom of Paris as this civil law applied in the colony andpresided over the sessions of the Superior Council. He supervisedthe notaries who drew the official documents including the last willsand testaments, inventories of goods upon decease. He was alsoresponsible for keeping the sulveyor who measured concessionsand set property boundaries under his control.There were no141Kathryn A. Young, Kin. Commerce. Comrnunitv. Merchants In the Port ofQUO^, 1717-17~ (New York: Peter Lang. 1995).

193lawyen or police force in New France. The Baron de Lahontanconsidered the colonial society to be tainted. The Sovereign Councilof Quebec established in 1663 was the high court and in 1726became an exclusive court of appeal. Its name changed to SuperiorCouncil. This council met at the Intendants place on Mondays andhearing on cases from all the colonies of New France was donehere. There was no fees levied but fines were payable if an appealwas found to be having no base. This seemed to be very necessaryas the colonists were found of litigation when earlier it did not involveany expenditure to do so.The Royal courts in four centers were the next level of justiceand the judges were chosen by the Crown as advised by the colonialgovernor and the Intendant. Seigneurial courts were the lowestcourts and the Crown suppressed it. The Sulpician clergy exercisedtheir seigneurial rights of justice over their seigneuries aroundMontreal throughout the French regime.The church enjoyedecclesiastical court, the officialit6tried to settle all cases involvingclergy and canon law here. Appeals from the church courts wereheart in the Superior Council, and could go to the Kings PrivyCouncil.Since France did not have a unified system civil law,currency or standard weight and measure in 1664 Louis XIV orderedthe Custom of Paris (a collection dating back to 1510) applied in NewFrance,It was implemented with many changes and a very

194interesting feature of this law was the inheritance rights as itprotected the property of women.In the criminal matters the courts followed the procedures set inFrance by the ordinances of 1498 and 1539 that was later codified inthe Great Criminal Ordinance of 1670. The guilt of the accused wasaccepted by the Criminal procedure until the guilty could proveinnocence. Accusation and witness was heard privately. Judge didtrial and if the evidence was circumstantial he could acquit theaccused. The accused had to confess before being sentenced in acriminal charge. Painful method of pegs pierced on the arms or legsto elucidate truth was used during questioning process. Justice wasless harsh in the colonies. In the absence of a police force, the localmilitia made the arrests. There was punishment for selling brandy tothe first nations and capital punishments were given only in extremecases of crime against the state and persons. Public humiliation onwooden horse or banishment from the parish was also applied to thecolonists.In Pondichery before the French arrived law and order wasunder the ~ayinar'" who was the chieftain.He performedceremonial functions whenever necessary.When the Nawabs'" Arbter du Consail Sup6rleur: Tome Ill-Rbglement popu le Tribunal de la6Chaudrie of 20 June 1778, Art. 23. p. 456

195visited Pondichery the Nayinar or grant prevot received him outsidethe to~n."~ The post of fdayinar was hereditary and he could beremoved from office only on grounds of finding guilty. The Nayinarsexpenditure was met by the tax levied on food grains and goodsentering the town by land or wateway. It was only in 1768 that theNayinar got one forth of the levy as the Sovereign Council startedlevying a compulsory fixed one percent tax on cotton, cloth, paddy,ghee, oil, groceries, vegetables and fruits. Governor Dupleix madethe Nayinar patrol the fort area during the night inorder to preventrobbery and theft. Chef peons with the help of peons who had thepower to arrest the soldiers deserting the French Army guarded thevillages.In Karaikal region where the French had a strong hold thevisiadars who were landlords performed the duty of police. In manycases these visiadars plundered their own villages for a ransom.This was a hereditary right. Normally if was the Company who wasin charge of law and order in that area.In Chandranagore theFrench company did not exercise power over the native Hindus. Itwas the prererogative of the fauzdar of Hoogly to see that law andorder among the Hindus are maintained. He was not responsible for

196the native Christians and this was a constant source of conflictbetween the fauzdhar and the French company.French educational pattern in the coloniesThe colony made elementary education available to thecolonists from the earliest times to the First nations and the childrenof the colonists. French replaced classical Latin as a language ofinstruction in elementary schools. Girls were educated and readingas well as writing skill emerged as prominent subjects. Teachertraining institutions known as normal schools were started in order totransform teaching from an occupation to a profession.Petitesecoles were the elementary schools and was organized to promotesocial order among the poor children. This was also to transformthem from begging and criminal activities and induce religiousmorality.The missionaries and the nuns faced the problem ofencouraging the First Nations children into their schools. Those whojoined did not like the restrictive atmosphere and sought ways andmeans of escaping the strict enclosures. Children of the lowerclasses had fewer opportunities of education unless the parish priesttook an interest in this matter.The secular sisters of thecongregation started petites Bcoles in parishes around Montreal andLouisbourg was not favoured by the bishops. This was because the

197girls studying in the cloistered environment did not follow theirreligious instructors in their dressing but their parents. Unnecessaryuse of lace and hats made the bishop feel that fashion and externaldecoration was given more importance to building up inner self.The Jesuits and the Ursulines who were living among the elitecommunities were obliged to modify their objectives and approaches.While teaching the First Nations they introduced games, paintingsand music. With the help of these they could communicate better asthey learnt better this way. Jacques Raudot the lntendant of thecolony had advised the Minister of Marine in 1717 that discipline andobedience was two important aspects to be taught to the FirstNations and for this schoolmaster in all regions had to beestablished. Earlier schoolmasters were old retired soldiers but afterthe advice of the lntendant parishes started hiring lay teachers withinterest and experience in the field of teaching.These teachershowever married and moved to better employment opportunitiesafter joining the schools.Therefore organized and generalized schooling did not ex~st inNew France. Most of the habitants felt no pressing need for literacy.The population was too dispersed to justify schools in many areasand the shortage of resident clergy did not help in providing evenrudimentary religious instructions to all children.The quality of

198education offered by the Jesuits in their college, by the Sulpicians inMontreal or the Ursulines in QuObec was equal to that offered incomparable institutions elsewhere. In 1701 it was Antoine Forgetwho introduced the most advanced pedagogical approaches in theSulpician School at Montreal. These included the class methodrather than individual study, streaming of pupils according to ability,and the establishment of a good rapport between teacher and pupilsto facilitate learning. The atmosphere was serious as silence wasimposed and hand gestures were used to communicate. All playfulexuberant behaviour resulted in severe reprimand from theauthorities, teachers, and master.As found in most of the pre-industrial societies the majority ofadult colonists were illiterate. This was especially evident in ruralareas among the lower stratum of society, the written word beingmore in evidence in urban centers where educational, administrativeand religious institutions were concentrated. The general patternwas that women were illiterate than men and there was little genderdifference in terms of signature literacy. Ten percent of the men andeleven percent of women were able to sign the marriage registers inrural New France. In the urban areas thirty seven percent of bridesand forty six percent of groom were able to sign the marriageregister. The schools, teachers or the educational standards werenot maintained as the general population became indifferent a trend

199associated with the process of Canadianisation of the society. Withthe arrival of regular soldiers from France in the colony this trendincreased, as many of the soldiers were barely literate.There were several good libraries in the colony with booksdealing on technical and religious concepts. The Sulpicians lentbooks to those who were interested.The royal officials wereresponsibla for enforcing the censorship imposed by the Crown andthe Church, but Protestant polemical books and banned novelsfound their way into the colony from time to time. In succession,between 1665 and 1749 the Jesuits, the Sulpicians and theGovernor La Galissoniere who was known to be a crazy person forthe subject Botany had asked for a printing press for Quebec. Thepermission for which was never granted. It is doubtful that there wasa sufficientlylarge reading public to warrant such a venture. In anycase, Versailles argued that allowing a colonial press would cut intothe profitable metropolitan monopoly and would increase thedangers of disseminating offensive works.'50In the case of French Pondichery the educational pattern wasvery slow and it was only in the eighteenth and nineteenth centurythat a remarkable change underwent in this regard. Before the'" Roger Magnuson. Wpucatiwl in New France. Mona (McGill-Queen'sUniversity Press, 1992) p. 138

French came what existed was education for the higher castes andthe lower castes were left out. Girls were not educated at all and200they remained ignorant.There was no need to sign marriageregisters, as such most of the Pondicherrians were illiterate. Thehigher caste children were given education and they were taught towrite on sand first and then on palm leaves. There was no use ofpaper or pencil as was used by the missionaries when they came toPondichery. The children learnt the Tamil scrip by writing it on thesand and thus got a free hand in writing. The schools for the highercastes were called as thinnai palligal. The children of the lowercastes were not admitted. The pundits and vathiars or teacherswere well versed in the local language. They taught the childrenmathematics and religious scripture.In New France Louis XIV took steps for social measures as heassumed the role of father to his nation and was responsible for thewelfare of his subjects. In 1686 he gave orders to the Intendants tolook into all the complaints registered in the colony. The number ofbutcher, baker and millers were regulated as well as their qualities toensure consumer good things at proper price. Price control wasmaintained throughout the French regime. Personal misfortune or acrop failure sometimes made the colonists poor and destitute. Manybecame beggars and in the town of Quebec in 1677 the SovereignCouncil ordered them back to their rural communities in France.

2011683 another group of beggars were ordered back as they became anuisance as they refused to do hard work to earn money. When themenace did not come down by 1688 the Intendant and SovereignCouncil made a serious study and found out that poverty had indeeddriven them to this state.A guideline was formulated to uplift thiscondition. According to the guideline social legislation was to be putto an end as they problem they created in the city. Work was to beprovided to those considered fit to do so and prevention ot death dueto starvation was to be 0bSe~ed. Three directors and local parishpriest along with his staff were to supervise the social assistance ofthis community work organized.In order to take care of the chronically ill and mentally retardedin 1698 the Charron Brothers a sscular lay associatior! opened apalmshouse near MontrBal. Th~s was operated till 1727 and after thatthe Sisters of Charity took control of it. Public funds were raised andfines from the royal courts were used for this purpose. 1692 BishopSaint Vallier endowed an almshouse both gender near QuBbec, theHospital GBnBral, which operated its own farm and workshops wherethe able bodied poor were set to work at a minimum wage. Theinstitution was designed not just to dispense charity but also toimplement social policy.In 1736 the Crown assumed financialresponsibility for the care pf the abandoned illegitimate Infants whocame to be known as kings chiidr~n. They were provided with wet

202nurses and put in foster homes. These children were the charges ofthe Crown and treated legally as a legitimate birth. This was aparticularly humane approach for the times.All the chief towns had a hospital that although instituted totreat military, naval and administrative personnel extended freehospital care to all colonists.The high quality of medical careafforded qualified them for state subsidies. There were also urbandwellers that organized pre-paid medical insurance plans andengaged the services of master surgeons in Montrbal and QuBbec.Hospitalization and medical care was superior to that found in mostcolonial situations.New France can be credited with havingpioneered in some areas of social welfare legislation. Poverty hadnever been regarded as sin by the church, but as an opportunity forthe most fortunate to practice charity. The state, however regardedpoverty as a misfortune and socially undesirable.There wastherefore a community obligation to eradicate its manifestations. Itwas not assumed that society would have beggars, unemployed.homeless and unattended sick. There was a social responsibility forthe state itself to provide funds and personnel and to organizecommunity initiatives to meet these challenges.The intrrmi!tent wars with the Iroquois began in 1609 to 1744and it did not end till 1701 when France and her Native allies came

203to an agreement to recognize lroquois neutrality in the contest forempire. The wars of Louis XIV ended with the Treaty of Utrecht in1713 and proved disastrous for the colony. The prevalence of war inthe first century of colonial development resulted in the growth of amilitary tradition as of a military elite. The troops send to Canada in1660s to deal with the Iroquois menace were troupes de la Marine,the independent companies of fifty men commanded by a captainwho had been organued to guard the harbours and naval bases aswell as overseas posts. Commissions could not be purchased in theMarine companies and promotion depended on merit, ability andseniority. In 1684 when six vacancies arose the governor filled themup with unemployed youths of the colonial noble families.Thisexperiment proved successful as many young officers were selectedwith experience in dealing with the Rrst nations and knowledge of thecountry. An elitist group of some eighteen families emerged tocreak a virtual military caste system. The Marine soldiers were stillsent out fram France on tours of duty under Canadian officers. InLouisbourg L%th the soldiem and the officers came from France. In1669 colonial militia forces was organized for home defencii. Allable bodied males between the age of 16 and 60 wit11 the exceptionof clergy and nobility were required to report at regular intervals foitraining. The civil power included the enforement of law and orderin local communities, searching for crimirlals etc.

204Parishes under the command of a captain organized the militia.The captain of the militia was the local representative of the stateresponsible for such duties as reading out all the publicannouncements, reqtrisitioning grain in times of famine, supervisingstatute labour and parish building projects. This assignment of stateduties to the militia canie from upward bourgeois families, and was amean of restricting the influence of the clergy and the seigneurs.Militia service was compulsory and not remunerated, although eachmilitiamar! was equipped with a musket, powder, sho!, bedroll and inwinter campaigns with over-clothing.Thus the Canadian militiagained the reputation of king ferocious and effec?ive frontierfighters, who adopted many charslctaristio of First Nation guerrillawarfare and were feared by the Anglo-American colonists.The religious situation is best summarized in the statement !hatthe state was religious and the church was national. The RomanCatholic Church ill New Fraace drew its strength no; only from tineuniversal character ot that segment of Chrie!iarliiy bl:t also from thefact that it was tho Kir~ys ieligiotl and thersfore enioyed sxclusiverights and privleges. It alone could lawfully allow missions to be setin the colonies, or organization educational institute centres and workfor eradication of poverty. The crown was so powerful that thereligious publications were also under its close scrutiny. The colonial

church was to be always dependent on the Crown for selection ofBishop8 and depended on the state for all the other purposes.205In the first decades of colonisation the church had yielded greatpower butYheM second half it did not because Crown control laid astronger hand on them. The decline of the power was probably dueto their activities in the colony for which the Crown became morewatchful of the missionary activities.This was especially of thereligious zealots, the dbvots after the suppression of the company ofthe Holy sacrament in France by Louis XIV in 1664. The puritanicalteachings associated with the Jansenisrn heresy, which ca:isedsome anxieiy in official circles in the mcth~r country, never took rootin New France.Bu! the colonial church, did !ry to impose rigorouspractices characterized by little compassion for concession.The parish was neither the centre of the community social lifenor of education during the French colonial pefiod.Clericalhistorians of the late nineteenth century and twentieth century havewoven the webs of ~.ationalistic almost racist utopianism byassigning religious motivation the dominant role in colonial society.Early immigration was not as selective as they did not pretend, norwas colonial society purified of the evils rampant in the mothercountry. The wlonlal church never did over come the problem of thedborders posed by fur trade leading to alcoholism and slow

206development of the colonial habitants both French and First nations.The slow establishment of parishes and scarcity of clergy werealways posed a problem and nothing could be done to solve it.At the popular level most of the colonists practiced strictCatholicism at home by reading the Bible, reciting rosary, sayinggrace before meals and after partakin0 of fcod, attending mass oliSundays as H was a Christian duty to do so, and observing all thefeasts told by the ordem. In reality colonists did this as a duty andamong them very few pious peopie followed as a serious affair.Most of the religious vocation came from the artisan group and notthe rural peasants and this showed the difference in approachtowards religious by these groups.A kind of civil police system prevailed in Pondirhery before theFrench came, as the neyiilar was the native chieftain who wasresponsible for maintenance cf iaw and order. Apart from this hehad ceremonial functions to perfom. It was indicated that when theNawabs visited Pondichbry they were to guard and give them awarm welconie or tho guard march. 'The Kings or tha Nawabs werethe ones who were the total in charge of law and order till the Frenchbought Pondich61y.There were local courts where the guilty wastried. The local punishment was of offering oils in the temples forcrimes committed related to land or temples. In case oi m~rder the

207Person found guilty by the king was condemned to death by hanging.The King or the Nawab regulated prices in the market. But the priceof product of land was maintained according the wishes of theindividual landlords and It was toleiable rate.It was only duringfamine and natural calamities that the prices varied. The pricesdepended on the landlord's attitude towards his tenants.It is a very interesting fact that the Governor of the Frenchestablishment in 1757 was Comte de Lally, an Irish Catholic in theFrench service, and the Governor of Madras was (Lord) Pigot, aFrench Huguenot settled in England. Polier was a Swiss, de Boignea Savoyard, Ventura a Jew from Modena that Nopoleon's legislationfreed from the Ghetto. Most of Hugel's Hussards were of Germanorigin, commanded by French oiecen coming like Bouthenot fromMontMliard.The French maintained a secular army probablybecause they could not 0the~tiSe keep their military strength intact.The French military system in Quebec and PondichQry functioned attwo diffgrent levels but both were able to maintain !hei: respectivefunctions.in Pondichbry :he Frcnch permitted the cottage indvstry todevelop but it was they who would benefit from the industrialdevelopment. Foundry iinsida the Pondichbry fort and mint was aremarkable addition of the French for self-relianca. The weaving

208industry that Fran~ois Martin established eventually was the bulktrade that was carried on from Pondichdry to other parts of the world.There was encouragement to carpenters and sculptures by theFrench as during the French rule in Pondichbly the handicraftindustry saw a big boost. Idols, carvings and furniture with intricatedesigns were a speciality of the Pondicheman carpenters and theFrench appreciated this skill.At present also Podnichbrywoodcarvings are considered to be very intricate, the best exampleis the wooden door caring done in temples of Pondichbry. Localwood pulp industry developed where the Pondicheman artisansmade puppets and toys out of wood, a tradition still followed asreminiscence of colonialism.

Chapter VIIConclusion1. France joined the Spaniards, English and the Portuguese in therace for colonies, most especially for trade and adventure. Posts inNew France and in Pondichery were acquired by the French topursue commercial and itnperialistic objectives of the mothercountry. In both places the French became settlers and this resultedin advancement of the main motive bade. From the Newfoundlandarea there was a good harvest of cod that kept the European marketsoaring.it raised competition among the other nations whodemanded the right to fish in the areas. From Pondichbry there wastextile industry that led than: into wodd market. They were the solesupplier oi the chequered cloth from Pondichbry that was in greatdemand in Europ. Fiance took a slo!v lead to join competition butwas successful in their venture.2. The islznd Algonquin's held in Nsw Francd was a sirategic andvery ir~~porta~~t position on !hc iivit, because they had absolutecor~trol ovar 6 long series of :apid~ and cv3r the p~rtage that ledaround i!, and any who passed thai way were oblissd !o pay tr~butc.SO as to keep iheir pociiioll as rniddlnmeri biP.vse11 th~French andthe ~irtions of the interi~r tie! did t;~ai: utmost to bar ihis route. Tlieydid no!, in fact, dare refuse passage to the Franch, nor even exact

210tribute from them, but they did try to discourage them. It will beremembered that in 1613 they did everything possible to preventChamplain from traveling up the river. The barrier was to remainintact for many years; the Jesuit Le Jeune refers to it in 1633 andagain in 1636. It disappeared only when the Iroquois scattered theAlgonquin's in the wake of their victory over the Huron in 1649-50.Between Allumette Island and Lake Huron there was anotherbarrier but a much lass formidable one.The Nipissings, calledSquekaneronons by the Hurons, posed this. The Nipissings like theIsland Algonquin traded in distant places. The Nipissings did notmake much trouble to the other First Nations passing through theircountry on theirs was to the St. Lawrence. They fully intended tokeep the distance trade relations to themselves and did everything toprevent the French into the interior of the continent. The Montagnaisand the Island Algonquin's could be counted in spite oi all as theyneeded trading posts of the St. Lawrence to provide a market fortheir goods. It was very difficult to keep the Huron's in alliancebecause of their situation in the interior. Their tiny domain was theterminus of the great trade routes. The Huron's were the exclusivebuyers of the produce of their neighbours like the Petuns and theNipissings. The Cheveux Relev4s brought furs from the far awaynations of the west.In the interior of the continent, the Huron'splayed the role that the little city of Venice played in the

21 1Mediterranean, or the Dutch ill lnteinatior~al commerce. Like theItalians of the sixteenth century, who had made their language theinternational language of commerce, the Hurons also made thelanguage as one for commerce.The First Nations benefited fromtheir trade relationship with the French as they learnt the trick of thetrade very quickly.3. The alliance of the French with the Hurons was from 1609 andthere has been only on8 outlet for fur through the French at the St.Lawrence Valley. But this was no longer from 1613 as the Dutchstrove to channel the fur trade towards the Hudsor: River. TheHurons had to travel six hundred miles to the French and threehundred to the Dutch as such the French had a very tough timemaintaining this alliance. It would have been natural for the trade toflow from Huronia to lroquois country and from there to the Hudson.This would have meant that all the furs of the Great Lake would betraded at the Hudson with the Dutch and not at St. Lawrence thetrade center of the French. This would have lead to tremendous lossof trade as f;omthe Dutch it would flow Into the Amsterda~m insteadof France during the time. The Iroquois in 1626 were able to acquirethe mainstream fur trade control and at the same time got accessinto the Hudson Bay and into tho Dutch market.To prevent thisnatural orientation the French constantly maintained interpretersamong the Huron's from 1610 onwards. Their role was essentially to

212persuade the Huron's each spring to come down to St. Lawrenceand trade. Etienne Brule for his part received 100 pistols a year tourge the first nations to trade. While making every effort to stop theHuron to have any alliance with the lroquois they were also trying fornew trade routes to be opened beyond the Huronia. If the traderelations were established with the Neutrals the Huron monopolywould be breached and French influence on the Great Lake wouldno longer depend on the Hurons alone. k mission was establishedfor doing this by RBcollet La Roche d'Aillon in 162627. On an orderfrom Father Le Caron, the Rdcollet went in October 1626 to the landof the Neutrals, a territory extending some eighty leagues along theNiagara River and the north shore of Lake Erie, where they raisedvery good tobacco.4. This mission was no: su~~ssful because the Hurons realizedhis plan and send rumors about the missionary becoming ancommercial agent.Moreover the Neutrals did not know how topaddle canoes to reach :he trading cxnter as the missionary hadproposed.Since the establishment of the French in the St.Lawrence the lroquois problem persisted.In 1640's a generalconflict took place between them.In the first thirty years of theseventeenth century, the two sides had not yet come to aconfrontation.Nor was the Five Nations Confederacy as yet inexistence; each lroquois nation was still fending for itself. Once the

213Mohawks had vanquished the Mohicans and taken over the Dutchtrade, they denied passage to their lroquois neighbours, who in turndenied the Mohawks passage to the west and southwest.Champlain defeated the Mohawks in 1609 and 1910.5. After the battle of 1610 on the Richelieu there was no largescaleinvasion of the St. Lawrence by the lroquois in this period. Atleast neither Champlain nor Sagard mentions any, iroquois attackedthe Habitation of Quebec and the convent of the RBcollets in 1622.When two Iroquois turned at Quebec they were offered all hospitalityand asked to maintain peace so that trade continues. A mission wassent to the lroquois to ask them to come to Quebec on an official visitand the emissaries were given thirty-eight beaver skins as gifts to bepresented.The lroquois knows nothing of this overture of theFrench in 1622.in 1624 Champiain sent Montagnais asambassadors to the lroquois and they were well received. In returnsix lroquois came in Quebec in 1624 and a peace treaty was signedwith them. A few of the lroquois as a result came and stayed nearQuebec close to the Montagnais.6. During the French Regime the structure of Canadian societydiffered from that of other North American colonies. The four chiefpowers colonised in North America, Spain, France, England andHolland belong to a common civilisation that of west. Spain, England

214and France had certain points of resemblance. Spain kepi a keeneye on the Catholic faith; France fought religious wars and England aecclesiastical structure. The three metropolitan countries weremonarchies and Christian that put them together. The mercantilesystem was the real source of imperialism that originated in Englandbefore tho revolution of 1689. The Navigation Act of 1660, theStaple Act of 1663 and the Plantation Duties Act of 1673 developedit.The society in France and England assumed a capitalisticcharacter different from Spain. This movement coincided with therise of the upper middle class. In England the leaders in commerceand finance ruled in close alliance with the territorial aristocracy, towhich ties of family and of interest related them. In France Colbertdid all he could to favour the middle class by promoting industry andcommerce and making policy to further the economic activity of thisclass.Towards 1680 it was believed that in France the industrialrevolution would break rather than in England. As colonial societieshave a tendency to model themselves on the mother counrry themiddle class had a tremendous role to play in Canada (New France)and in the British wlonies.7. The social structure of Canada and British colonies differed inone important aspect: namely in their land law. In the eighteenthcentury Francs still lived theoretically under the feudal regime. But ifthose vestiges of the Middle Ages, vassalage and fiefs, continued to

exist, it was only as legal forms that for some centuries had beenpractically void of substance. A seigneurial regime however existed215in fact as well as in law.The Canada of the seventeenth andeighteenth century was in no respect a feudal colony, but all landwas held in seigneuries, a system of tenure by which variousindividuals shared, under different titles, a number of rights and duesconnected with the same concession, the absolute anti-thesis ofdominiurn plenum (freehold in the modern sense). This principlebrought about the existence in New France of two classes of societythat were practically unknown in the English colonies the seigneursand tenants.8. On the cultural level the evolution of Canada differs moreclearly from that of the British colonies U~an the situation in Francedoes from that of England. A little like Spanish society, Canadastood outside those new ideas, stemming from the scientificrevolution which essentially modified the intellectual outlook of themodern world and which from the end of the seventeenth centuryshook the very foundation of religious life. Quite early, rationalism,belief in progress and humanitarian ideas made an appearance innewspapers, pamphlets and books published in English America.One finds nothing of the sort in New France, where there was nopress, where higher education was in its infancy, and where allinstruction was in the hands of the clergy who were, however, fully

216competent for the task. This is usually the caw the colonial societiesin the New World developed as far as possible on the model of themother country to which civilization, metropolitan society's generallyrevealed fundamental unity, but since they varied along national linesin their interpretation of this great culture, they emphasized itsdiversity.9. The fur trade that had started was a means of entering into theterritories of the First Nations in order to gain access the wealth andinformation they had about the flora and fauna of their country. Thisproved great dividends for the French wlonisers. In return the FirstNations came to know about French technologies that made their lifestyles easier. They could have lived without these technologies asthis researcher considers their technology and thinking far superiorto the French. They did not have a destructive mentality and wereconsiderate towards their place and people. This characteristic wassomething impossible for the coloniser, as their main motive was cutthroat competitia. This spirit did not let them enjoy the growth of theother person, as it would be difficult for their suivival. And they arethe ones who made the First Nations follow Bible where such spirit isnot encouraged. A mockery of what was preached is wen in theiractions as actions speak louder than words. However the conditionof survival cannot be ruled out which led to such behavioural instinct.

21710. The beginning of New France and Pondichety was ascommercial comptoirs of monopoly companies: The Compagnie deslndes Orientales at Pondichery and the Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France succeeded by the Compagnie des lndes Occidenteles inNew France. The Compagnie des lndes Orientales and Compagniede la Nouvelle-France were united in 1719 under the title Compagniedes Indes. The St. Lawrence valley developed slowly as an area ofFrench immigrants engaged in agriculture and townspeople engagedin commerce and domestic manufacture. Pondichery on the otherhand, attracted only limited French immigration and the authoritiesinvited Indian merchants to establish their enterprises in the town.11. The French sense of superiority over the First Nation andPondicherrians culturally, if not racially, while maintaining duerespect for First Nation rights and their usefulness in 'maintaining aFrench foothold on the continent' is remarkable. At Pondichery theFrench town was laid out in utilising the canal as a natural boundaryas such segregated the indigenous Pondicherrian settlemen! fromthe French quarten, its administrative, commercial, cultural andreligious institutions. In towns like Quebec and Montreal no suchsegregation was required, the First Nation having been drawn intothe French occupied counttyside nearly on seductions. However,there was a social distinction evident in each town, most notably atQuebec with its Upper and Lower Towns.Royalty and elites

218inhabited the Upper town of Quebec whereas the lower town had theartisans, merchants living. The condition of the Lower Town was notvery good as the Upper Town as the marked difference in street,drainage and facilities is seen.A legacy of the French rule inQuebec is the streets, buildings and the plan of the whole fort.There is a biracial colony in Quebec where the lower town isessentially populated by one race i.e, the French. In the Upper Townwitnessed a metropolitan atmosphere with people from the nobility ofFrench and non French origin residing there. Similarly in Pondicherythe fort is a legacy of tha French rule. In Pondichbry also the mainfort area was populated by the French and the other areas with nonFrench or mixed population.The fort area has become theSecretariat or the area where the bureaucracy of Pondichkryfunctions. However there is no segregation like earlier as where thelagoon was turned into the Grand Canal has become populated withcollege and public work departments. What was built as a point ofseparation of the Pondicherrians from the French town now hasbecome a proper drainage to carry the dirty water of Pondichkrytown. There were two streets that ran parallel to the canal. The Quaidu Ambour and Quai du Gingy and these areas kame settlementquarters of the Pondicherrians and have become prime area foracquiring property. The fort area is now open to general public andone can sit near the beach and have a pleasant evening gazing intothe sea and witnessing the flow of ships in the harbour a great work

219of the French. Once it was crowded with traders and French colonistnow the harbours are active during the daytime but during theevenings a pleasant atmosphere spreads in these areas.12. Franwis Martins initiative to serle Indians to settle people anddevelop Pondichbry has become a great contribution for the comingtogether of people of various castes in one place. He was interestedin maintaining a cordial relationship with all the castes. However thelands that were given were for a price as the Company hadpurchased the lands from the original owners. It was only in 1702that the Superior Council set up in Pondichbry played a major roie inutilisation of these lands.The Council collected taxes from thelndians to build the walls of the fort.The Superior Counciladministered the improvement o! I~ousing and legal property titlesthat had become a major concern in the European town area.Household industries and handicrafts moved into the town but a planregarding this development had yet to be tracsd. PondichQry, likeQubbec, was to be an orderly public space.13. In 1673 Bellanger de I'Espinay moved into Pondichery, politicalconditions of the neighbouring kingdoms were quite disturbed andunstable. The last Vijaynagar emperor Sri Ranga Ill having lost the

220battle of Erode in 1670 died a heart-broken fugitive. With his deathVenkaji the half brother of Shivaji and Chokkanatha who were theNayaks of Thanjavur and Madurai became independent. Gingeehad been conquered by Bijapur in I648 and Nasir Muhammed wasthe Faujdar there while Sher Khan Lodi was the Faujdar ofValikondapuram. Both of them were more or iess independent sinceBijapur under Sikander adil Shah was tormented with civil strife andMughal invasions. Golconda had control as far as San Thome.14. Bellanger was in Pondichery only till 24 September 1674 whenhe sailed to France. Franwis Martin who was the assistant ofBellanger became Chef on 6 May 1675. With him in the loge weretwo capuchin priests and six Frenchmen; there were only sixtyFrench soldiers who were on transit.In 1676 Franpis Martinallowed himself to be dragged into a military conflict that haddeveloped between Nasir Mohammed of Gingee and Sher KhanLodi. Martin captured on 24 September 1676 the fort of Valudavurthat belonged to Gingee.But before the conflict could developfurther, Sivaji reached Gingec on his famous Carnatic expedition andcaptured it.15. The Dutch had bought Pondichery in 1693 from Ramraja ofGingee paying a sum of 25,000 pagodas and in 1697 by the Treatyof Ryswick restored Pondichery to the French. The French became

22 1the legal owners of the town. 1703 Martin obtained Kalapet to thenorth of Pondichery from Nawab Dawood Khan, Aurangazeb'sGovernor in the Carnatic.By 1706 Martin had completed theconstruction of a new fort that he called Fort Saint Louis modeledafter the Fort at tournai.But he had to pay Rs. 10,000 to theCarnatic Nawab and Rs. 2,000 to his subordinate officers, forpermission to build the fort. The same year, the Nawab donatedOzhukarai, Murungappakkam, Olandai, Pakkamudiyanpet andKaruvadikkuppam. Pondichery was now a sizable establishmentwith 700 Europeans and 30,000 Indians of whom 2,000 wereChristians. In Surat trade was under decline and their creditors onland and pirates subjected Frenchmen to harassment at Sea.Pondichery at the same time grew to become a flourishing tradingcentre. This prompted the issue of Edit Royal of February 1701 thattransferred the Conseil Souverain from Surat to Pondich6ry withFrangoise Martin as its President.The Conseil Souverain hadoverall jurisdiction over ail French establishments as a court of Law.16. The establishment of Pondichery was the work of Martin asGovernor during a period that was chequered both for him personallyand for the town. Commerce for the French was banned in Surat in1703 and the French establishment at Bantam and Tonkin had failedand was abandoned. Louis XIV had revoked the Edicts of Nantes in1685 dealing a severe blow to life in French harbours, trading

222centres and among the traditionally sea-fearing communities. From1689 France was involved in a war against the English and theDutch with disastrous consequences for its colonial plans and then in1701 the Spanish Succession War ranged almost the whole ofEurope againstLouis XIV. While these stresses of Europeanpolitics left Frantois Martin at Pondichbry almost on his own, thesituation in the areas around Pondichbry was even more appalling.Aurangazebs forces after the conquest of Bijapur in 1686 and ofGolconda in t687 marched into the Deccan to deal with the Marathaswho after the execution of Sambhaji in 1689 had converted theCarnatic into a base of resistance against the Mughals.17. In New France, the Governor and Intendants under royalgovernment (1663-1760) did not obtain land. However, it was notillegal to seek remuneration over and above the annual salaries theywere paid. Instead of investing in land, which was plentiful andcheap in the seventeenth century, the royal officials turned to the furtrade. They formed alliances with prominent merchants in the colonyto this end. However, this often brought them into conflict with rivalmerchants, as was the case with Governor Frontenac's interests inthe activities of the explorer-trader, Cavelier de La ~al~e."'''I John F. Bosher, The Canada Merchm (Oxford: Oxford Univenlty Press,1987) for a comprehensive description of commercial affairs.

223in New France and Pondichery military hospital came up aswar victims became double and treatment was essential to maintainthe military strength. The Ursuline sisters that treated the woundedsoldiers ran it in Pondichbry.Dupleix gave land grants to thehospitals that made it possible to continue with the treatment of thesoldiers. There was also a General French hospital in Pondichbryrun by the Capuchin clergy. The local population of Pondicherry wentto the rr~edicine man for traditional cure. The French and the Creolepopulation could get treatment from the military hospitals and fromthe Capuchin Fathers. Sisters Hospitaliesn arrived at Quebec in1639 and established a hospital for military and naval personnel,financed by the King, but also admitted colonists and the fewAmerindians who ventured to trust French medical treatment.18. The canoe route into the interior, the pays d'en haut, was longand studded with rapids that had to be avoided by portages aroundthem, often in dense forest. The trade was largely with bands ofAlgonkian speakers, the Ottawa, Ojibiwa, Saulteaux and dispersedHuron remnants centred at Michilimackinac at the junction of LakeHuron, Michigan and Superior. The Native hunters were secondedby their women folk who prepared the hides and skins for barter.The French traders, after disposing of the European goods offered inexchange (as well as illicit brandy to lubricate relations), guided by

Native canoe men descended the Ottawa river to Montreal in thespring time with the furs.22419. Although not an ideal system seigneurialism did not imposeone roads dues on consistories that would have discouragedagricultural settlement.The system became more like themetropolitan system as the colony became populated; land suitablefor farming taken up, and villages appeared along the banks of theSt. Lawrence waterways.Seigneurs began to exercise theirtraditional privileges, to increase their dues whenever newconcessions were granted and to reside in urban areas while livingfrom the revenues of their rural estates.20. During the years of French rule the system never becameoppressive in nature and the habitant fanner was not a serf but afree as an independent owner of his land. After 1764 it was theEnglish seigneurs who diverted the regime from its original designand transformed it into an exploitative system.21. The agricultural pattern, land tenure, and land grants inPondichery and New France have shown the actual colonisationprocess that the French adopted. This is apad from the economicgain in the fonn of revenue generated from agricultural produce. Inthe process of exploring revenue the areas of cultivation could

225produce, the French implemented the seigniorial system.inPondichery the system was not successful, as there was an existingsystem of agriculture that seemed more profitable. It was theCompagnie des lndes Occidentales, in charge of the administrationin the area that acquired land for the crown. it was not the same inNew France where the direct rule of the monarch was introduced in1663. The idea of peaceful coexistence following the traditionalpattern of agriculture with little innovation at Pondichbry broughtmany villages under direct French control. Ail these villages wererich revenue producing areas. The villages Theduvanatham andArchivak (Abhishekapakkam), Odiyampattu, Thirukkanji andKottakuppam were given to M. Dumas by Nawab Safdar Alikhan, theNawab of Carnatic, as a gift for his exemplary courage and wisdomshown during the Maratha incursion in September 1740.22. Lenoir who first became governor in 1721 was also in leaguewith Dumas in this nefarious trade of slaves and slaves wereexploited in New France for some time but then with the missionariesinfluence they were ~iven education and treated well. However theslaves taken from Pondichbry to Moluccas and Mauritius were givenenough food for the work they did. There was no wages attached fortheir work. They had to work very hard in the plantation. The Frenchcontinued with the slave trade and had to discontinue in Pondichbryas the cost of taking them to various places became expensive

whereby they resorted to use prisoners of war for the purpose oflabour.22623. When Lenoir was the governor for a second term from 1727 to1735 some changes took place in the jurisdiction of Conseilsuperieur.All provincial councils of administration including theConseii Provincial de Bourbon were placed under the ConseiiSuperieur de Pondichdry. (In 1728, when Dumas was the Governorof Bourbon, Pondichery lost its jurisdiction over the provinces) Heattended to the improvement of the judiciary and a new juge de lachauderie was found functioning at Mortandichavadi in 1730. Heimproved the fortifications of Pondichbry by building new bastions.Trade registered progress with frequent ship arrivals.24. Pondichery and Quebec beicg compared at two different periodof time is an interesting comparison as they both have legacy of theFrench rule embedded in their present society moving in the rhythmof time. In Pondichery during the period taken for comparison theeffect of French rule is seen especially in the lives of the richlandlords. Among the educated group especially the Brahmins andbusiness class Chettiyars it was found that they have made inroadsinto the French offices by providing their help to the French toadminister Pondichbry.In the form of interpreters, translators,accountants or diary maintenance of diary they saw to it that things

happening within the French administered areas were brought into227record.This tradition of keeping accounts and records wasprevailing much before the French came. With lands coming into thehands of the French Company hold over the revenues collected fromthe land holdings created a sense of security to the French. Thisland revenue collected paid large dividends as they were used formany purpose to improve the French trade in the Indian Oceanregions and Far West. If the French did not buy PondichQry theywould not have been able to get large amount of profit acquired frommaking it as there headquarter of trade and rule in India. It was alsothe lands in and around Pondichery along with Karaikal, Mahe,Yanam and Chandranagore that made the French wlonial policysucceed for a long time even after Indian independence.25. PondichQry became a very important textile producing areaduring the time of Franpise Martin and continued till the tradition fora long time. The Archives of PondichQry record that large amount ofcargo of dyed and ginghams were in demand in countries other thanFrance. The weavers working on the loom initially made it andslowly a loom was installed to meet the demands of the exportmarket. To take the clothes in bales bullock carts were used andhand pulled carts. Manua! labourers in and around Muthialpet areawere in great demand, as their physical assistance was needed forthis purpose. In return they were not paid a very high wage but they

228were able to earn a small living for their family. Many of thelabourers belonged to the lower class that during the off-season hadno work. instead of sitting idle utillsed this time to cart things to thePondichery port. From here head load workers loaded the goodsinto the cargo vessels and they did not have a union till Indianindependence in 1947. There was no demand for higher wages orkeeping a time limit for their work. The officer at the port who tookaccount of the cargo loaded into the vessels and recorded thedestination of the ship in his logbook. He paid the labourers whocarried cargo into the vessel as he was asked to do so. This officialmost of the time used to be a Pondicherrian and as such he acted asa middleman between the French and the textile traders. Paymen!of the consignment going in the cargo was paid in advance to theparty concerned and as such they did not have to wait for a longperiod lo get their due.Many cases the French bcrrowed moneyfrom the Indian bankers the Chettiais to pay !heir due. 'They paid itback wiien they got profit in their trade.26. Tile emergence of bankers and traders increased because ofthe French dependence on then1 for various purposes. For thepurpose of loans of morley also the French used to take it from thelndian bankers and secured their private money with them. Thismoney was invested and the dividends added to the principalamount invested. Dupleix and other governors did invest money

privately in trade and earned profit either from the interest got from itor from the profit brought by the investment.22927. Money got from !he land revenues were many a times used forthe purpose of welfare like building canals, wells, tanks, bandhs forirrigation purpose. This was done in order to earn more benefit fromthe agricultural fields. With proper irrigation facilities the crops in !hefields yielded a large amount like the Samba crop. Roads were builtin the interior regions in order to make the collection of textiles orcrops in an easier way.The bullock carts could be drawn in akaccha (not properly laid road with tar and bitumen or stone) way butthe horse driver cats and vehicles o! the French found it dificvlt.Textiles especially from Muthialpet were brought into the Pondichbrytown port by carts and this was earlier made easier with the properroadways. The roads were iaid by the French for improving the theirtrade.28. With the schools for the girls and boys established inPondichery ~t made the people aware of education and especially onlanguages other ihan Tsmil.The Capuchin fathers started aninstit~rtion where they taught Latin, philosophy, theology andmathematics to those students who showed keen interest in thesesubjects.As in France they did teach Latin and this helped thePondicherrians to work in translating many works into Tamil in the

eighteenth century. The educated Pondicherrians translated Englishworks both of philosophy and literature.23029. The legacy as such of the French can be seen in theassimilation policy of theirs. It is reported that in Pondichbry therewas no labour movement till Indian independence. The choice ofcitizen ship given on the eve of de jure in 1i64 was an eye opener ofthe French impact on the Pondicherrians. The choice made by thePondicherrians to remain as French citizen was to retain theirpassport to a better life probably a hang~ver of the colonial mentality.This has proven right in the present day context as most of theyoungsters of Pondichbry go in for higher studies and work inFrance.They are able to earn more than what the Indiangovernment can give for the same wcrk. There are many peopiewho are of Tamil origin but cannot .peakFrench has become their l~ngua franca.:heir mother tongue asA census taken of theFlel~ch school in Pondichbry shows tha: rnost of its students dospak oniy French, and they cannot converse in English or Tamil.This is 3 sign of new breed of a generation of Pondicherrians havingFrench culture.These children are used to the French way ofdressing, habit, food and they find themselves aliens withinPondichbrj, which is why after the completion of schooling orauqui:ing hinher education they move to France or other Europeancountries with their passport o! Frer~ch nationality. A Francophone

23 1COfnt'n~nity within the Pondicherrians have emerged further dividingthe population of Pondichbry from the main existing groups. Thegeneral population of PondichbryAn interesting finding is that the treaties that the Firsi Nationsrelationship with the French in New France were not merely for tradebut they felt that they could improve themselves as some of themwho eventually did convert believing became better persons. A verywrong psychology as they were giving up their culture and traditionto become someone else when they had a beautiful tradition of theirown to be preserved. Once the French made a contract with theFirst Nations they proved to be very good allies in times of war.Similarly in the case of Pondichbry the French were able to havegood relationship with the soldiers and otherwise as they knew whatwas considered as sacred by the Pondicherrians had to berespected. When the Jesuits tried to convert and did atrocious actsmany of the Pondicherrians were wounded deeply as their faith wasbeing questioned. The Govemon who came to Pondichery saw tothat this type of things do not happen otherwise they have to pack upas with hatred nothing is going to work out for them. They neededthe help of the Pondicherrians in their day to day activity in the courtand as labourers.

232Brandy was used as a barter item to trade with the FirstNations and in return beaver pelts were acquired. To stop thisdemorality in 1668 permission was given by the Sovereign Council tosell and give to the First Nations liquor. This free supply of liquormade the First Nations become more addicte3d to this drink and leadto drunkenness among them. They did not know this consequence.References from the letters of nuns in Quebec give ample evidenceof the traffic in wine and brandy as being a cause of encouragingimmorality, theft and murder. This was done by the French to get thefur from the First Nations. They did not stop at seducing the FirstNations by wine and brandy but went ahead to murder them in casethey are not obliging with their demands.The findings of the thesis lead to the fact that the Jesuits had arole in encouraging and actively involving in trade.In the ParisDocument relating to Colonial History especially letter to Colber! in1674it is giver1 that cne of tho 2esuit remarked 10 Frontenac that theirmission in New Fra~::c was not to be the 2arist1 priesi but io gather~eavers.'~~ In Pondichery also they ware actively involved in politicsthat resultd in violence. Businssu and charity does !iOt go welltoyether and the missionaries havs learnt to realise their mis!ake ardParis Documents, &m*ntsReiatina to the Coior~iai Histow of the State ofNew Yo*, Vol. IX, pg. 120

work to improve upon their original intention of spreading the GoodNews and continuing with the teaching mission.233When examining the day-today lives of women in Pondicheryand Quebec over time, what is striking is the theme of continuity andchange. The nature of human existence incorporates both and someperiods of history are characterized by more or less of one or theother. For the First Nation women in Canada this was certainly true.By mid-century, many First Nations in the northern and far westernreaches of the country were continuing the life style that had beentheirs for centuries. Where food was abundant, more settled lifeoccurred but where it was scarce a nomadic way of life was crucialfor survival. Each tribe or grouping was individual at the same timewere bonded together by general principles and beliefs. For sometribes in Canada, the matrilineal line was that which identified aperson's heritage, or others it was the male line. In some tribeswomen appeared, at least from the European perspective, beasts ofburden whereas in others, usually the more agricultural tribes suchas the Iroquois, women had a status which European men founddisconcerting. In whatever situation, women were vital for thesurvival of the tribe in helping to provide the food the tribe ate, theclothing they wore, and in bearing the children so necessary for itscontinuation. The status of women in Pondichery and Quebec hasunder gone a lot of change from the colonial context.

There has been not much with regards to the colonial womendone except few monography and works coming up in the NationalArchives of Canada on the colonial women.There are someevidence of written literature on the womens condition of laundrywork and the revolution created by washing machines but historicalfacts regarding the evolution of colonial women into a differentpersonality, as she is a witness to many changes. Tradition andculture makes all the difference and in this aspect works should begenerated. There are some materials in the National Archivies ofCanada that has touched on these aspects but are too spread out tocompile is just few months time of research.It needs a patientscholar to go through the materials and compile and authentic historyof the suppressed voices.A comparison is essentially bringing out the merits anddemerits of a particular case of study taken, at the same time itbrings out areas that were untouched so far. This thesis tries to useto point of time of history but by the same rulers and themethodology followed in colonizing New France and Pondicherybeing so different from each other.The French tried to create amicro France wherever they tried to coionise be it Pondichery orQuebec. The fort plans are the best for this sort of tendency as theytried to built the fort at Qudbec and Pondichery on the basis of

235French fort styles prevailing. Assimilation and acculturation afterestablishing a mini France was their general tendency. The Frenchlegacy in both PondichQry and New France were the culturalchanges brought by them and the willingness of both these coloniesto retain their colonial nature is remarkable.

GlossaryAgraharam - a village, place of settlement or street of BrahminsAmaram - System of land tenure started by the Vijayanagar rulersin South India.Anicut - a water reservoir or damBourses - chambers of commerceCensltaire -a person who paid a cens for a RotureCatche - a place to keep the corns of the First NationsCache - French word for kasuChauth -An assessment equal to one-forth of the original standardassessment or generally one fourth of the actual governmentcollections demanded by the Marathas from their subjects.Cowle - A cowle is an agreement to hand over land withoutpayment for a certain period or on payment for a certain period ofdiminished assessment gradually rising to full assessment.Devotisme - Early seventeenth century in France witnessed aperiod of spiritual revival, organized cells of the Company of theHoly Sacrament emerged to impose rigorous moral and religiousstandards on society.

Fabrique . Elected councils of the Parish who owned andcontrolled temporal assets.Filles du roi - Brides selected by the Crown to populate NewFrance and for whom dowry was given by the French king.Fanon - a silver coinFirman -an order or authorisationHabitants - permanent settlerKaccha road that is not tarred properly with tar and bitumenKutcha -crudeKasu - a copper coin of very small denominationKharlf - the autumn harvestKorai -one variety of g1.ass used to weave mat.Manavary land - land that is totally depended on seasonal rains forits sustenance.Mercantlllsm - Related to Colbert but Mercantilism is not acoherent and welldefined policy. It appears to have existed largelyin the minds of historians and economists attempting to bring somecoherent order to their understanding of the colonial period.

Mlechas - Was a term used right from ancient times in lndia todenote any foreigner considered as untouchables. It was first usedfor the Greeks who came to lndia during the time of Mauryan rule.Nayankara - System of land revenue prevailed during theVijayanagar dynasty rule in South India. According to the systemunder Deva Raya lands were given to the Nayaks who were theimportant commanders of the king or to nobles.Nilam -a unit of land measurement in the olden daysPaternalism - Royal instruction of 1663 to provide and looks intothe needs of the first nations.Pagoda - A gold coin formerly minted at Madras having theemblem of a temple on one side.Patta - duly registered land titlePargana - a territorial sub-division consisting of several villagesPonn - goldPanam - a silver coinPaysan -peasantPucca - Road that is laid properly with stone, tar or bitumen.Quebec - means where the river narrowed according to the FirstNations

Reduction - native reserve landReligion prbtendue reformee - Protestants of the sixteenthcenturyRente - A charge that a seigneur frequently levied for a routre heldfrom him.Resum - was a customary perquisites paid to the farmers inPondichbry before and during the French rule.Roture - A concession of land that could not be sub conceded andwhich was held by a censitaire from a seigneur.Sadalwar - Was a contingencies tax levied by the farmers inPondichbry before and during the French rule.Seigneuries - The estate granted by the Company of New France,and after 1663 directly by the Crown, was known as a seigneury.The landowners or seigneurs, who theoretically had been membersof the two privileged orders or etats the nobility and clergy - kept aportion of the estate known as the domain for their own personaluse. The large portion was granted to censitaires farmers whoowned their plots but who paid annual dues to the seigneur inperpetuity.Seigneurlallsm -the land holding system of New France.Sicca - Silver coin issued by the Nawab of Arcot in lndia and theSicca rupee minted by the Mughal emperor that was heavier andfinely minted. The Europeans in lndia used both these coins aslegal tender for transaction of money.

Topes - French men in Pondichbry who wore hats within the fortarea.Staples - A terminology used by Harold lnnis for the first time inthe context of the First Nations in this thesis used to denote bothPondicherrians and first nations. Staples is used to denote basicfood and trade products of the Pondicherrians like rice, fish andcotton; fur, birch bark canoe and fish for the First Nation.

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St. Lawrence River an4 its tyibutabies, before 1760

Chart,pl.in'l drawin. nfthr Hdhlrnln# st purh.r.Tha accompsnying k.y in h l Vord8~ ~idvntifio...o~~tsn~ nll8er tLingn.his psrden (0) in the lawIhn-.bow the Rrer the SILavrenrr Kir.r;l dovrcotc (Dksun-did lE);.nd g.1l.r~ IC),'m.d. .I1 mund ourb%8iiding~.on ,ha oultldo,.t Ih. second s1~01'N~tlon~IAlchlns o~C.n.dm.C-PO711.Ch.mplnln'l drawing or&. first srm-d c0nllirtb.nr.n Europ#.an mnd nstl*., orNorthAm.r>c., In which Chnmpl.in led n party orAlpnquinl.Humnn..nd Moat.m*is, on 31July 1609,~plnnlsn~nrly two hundmd'l~quoil-• bmdr lbt w nr). mmch dwind byCh.mpl.in'l1ndl.n miII.s.ln tho .dy rno~nin'houn'~hq dbpatehd cro c a m bythemselm to the .wmy lo lnquln ifthq 4rk.d to hiht.torhlrh r)l.Ltur nplhd that

Map-F~isbLbbuHun OF Popu\atioq in 1661 in &becand ~unkv;a\- . . . . -. - - -I-.-. .-.-.--A----..-A- .--0I

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Map- CnZ~;sLr;bu$on of poPu\a/;m iq I129 iq ~ucb~c an3 ~on\r6a\

~ish\bu'iron 04Map- 63popu\a%ori in ,760 in Qukbec aid monb?6a\

Map- HHameels io Canada in \'160