Conflict in Sri Lanka: Ground Realities - Tamil Nation & Beyond

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with armaments, munitions etc. The afore-mentioned clause inthe CFA forbids it. Differences between the LTTE requiring resupplyand the clause in the CFA that allowed the security forcesto prevent this in the guise of “safeguarding the sovereignty andterritorial integrity” of Sri Lanka was the reason for numerousclashes occurring at sea between the Sea Tigers and the Sri Lankanavy in 2002-2003.The exploitation of ‘Human Rights’With re-supply, another area in which the state hopes tocapitalise on during the long period of the ceasefire is stanchingLTTE recruitment. Governments know that one of the factorsthat go against the Tigers (as in the case of most rebel groups)is a modest recruiting base for its armed cadre in comparison tothat of the state. To ensure that the LTTE does not acquire morecadre any recruitment is portrayed as a human rights violation. Ifrecruitment is not condemned as ‘child soldiers,’ it is designatedas an ‘abduction’ of an adult. The long period of a ceasefire worksadmirably for this purpose because recruitment can be monitoredby human rights agencies better when there is no active combat,which would be almost impossible during times of war. Whatfew people realise is that behind the pious rhetoric of humanrights activists are solid counterinsurgency reasons for makingpublic statements on child recruitment, abduction etc. Surelyit cannot be adherence to any moral code that makes the SriLankan government, which blithely bombed and shelled civilianpositions without any qualm of conscience about the safety ofchildren, to now scream its head off about child abuse in thehands of the Tigers?Searching for Sinhala consensusMeanwhile, moves are afoot to delay matters even further.President Mahinda Rajapakse has reiterated that his first prioritywould be to drum up consensus among the political forces inthe south before speaking to the LTTE. The word ‘consensus,’in the Sri Lankan context means only one thing – delay andprocrastination. Consensus-building would inevitably focus onthe sort of entity the future Sri Lankan state would be. What18
usually tends to be obfuscated in discussions on the structure ofthe state, or on federal versus unitary constitutions, is that theyrepresent different aspects of the mindset of the ruling class inColombo. Whether we like it or not, the ruling class has withinitself substantial elements which are loath to share political powerwith the Tamils through constitutional means. With Rajapakseassuming the presidency, these elements have acquired greatlegitimacy. What is more, no solution to the ethnic problem inthe future is going to be devoid of a substantial input from theextreme nationalist sections of Sri Lanka’s southern populationand their political representatives.It has been the ploy of the ruling class in Colombo to speak abouta consensus whenever it has had to take painful decisions ofsharing power with the Tamils. What is important in the buildingof this consensus is that the JHU with nine seats is treated asimportant as the UPFA (105 seats) and UNP (82 seats)! (The actualinfluence of the JHU in getting Rajapakse elected as presidentcannot be quantified, but it is unlikely to be substantial). Thequestion we have to ask is: why is the Sinhala polity, whichplaces faith in numbers and numerical majorities (as it does inparliament) to defeat everything that affects its interests, bendingover backwards to solicit the opinion of the miniscule JHU? Theanswer is obvious – to ensure that the intransigence of JHU (andof course the JVP) could be used to dilute what is offered to theTamils as the ‘consensus opinion of the south,’ and thereby seeto it that hegemony does not slip out of the Sinhala ruling class.The fact is that it is not the individual political parties that matterwhen deciding what ought to be ‘conceded’ by the Colombopolitical elite. It is the ruling class as a whole, which is reluctantto share power, using the mechanisms built into the politicalsystem to frustrate Tamil aspirations. This is not the first timein the recent past that presidents have used the consensuscard to delay acting decisively. In 2000 for instance, formerpresident Chandrika Kumaratunga presented her proposal forconstitutional reform. For some months preceding this, activenegotiations were undertaken by the PA with the UNP to arriveat a consensus. The upshot of it was the original draft readied in19
Page 7 and 8: ContentsIntroduction ..............
Page 9 and 10: IntroductionThe prospects for peace
Page 17 and 18: that I haven’t voted in the elect
Page 19 and 20: Is Peace Feasible?- Wakeley Paul[Wa
Page 21 and 22: In short, Rajapakse’s conception
Page 23 and 24: their leader should be? Obviously n
Page 25 and 26: The Vaddukodai resolutionIf there i
Page 27 and 28: due to the depopulation of vast are
Page 29: east because the Muslims reacted to
Page 33 and 34: consider federal structures based o
Page 35 and 36: The official languageThe question o
Page 37 and 38: the LTTE-led Tamil National Movemen
Page 39 and 40: the LTTE to deliver humanitarian ai
Page 41 and 42: to power sharing. This behaviour, t
Page 43 and 44: political stand of the overwhelming
Page 45 and 46: Sudan’s Interim Power-sharing and
Page 47 and 48: of Norway and with the support of t
Page 49 and 50: inception of the CFA, they laid out
Page 51 and 52: determination, many analysts and co
Page 53 and 54: The peace talks were mediated by th
Page 55 and 56: Sri Lanka and Tamil Eelam: The Part
Page 57 and 58: e trusted on a permanent basis. The
Page 59 and 60: their times and climes but their vo
Page 61 and 62: 4. Consequently the feeling of a mi
Page 63 and 64: The Armed StruggleIn the arena of c
Page 65 and 66: aircraft, the world has chosen to l
Page 67 and 68: Former President Bill Clinton, who
Page 69 and 70: epresentative, was “review of the
Page 71 and 72: says: “The governments of India a

Conflict in Sri Lanka: Ground Realities - Tamil Nation & Beyond

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