784 <strong>The</strong> <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>. June 5, 1995SUBJECT TO DEBATE.Iwas feeling pretty burned up <strong>at</strong> the government theother day, so I loaded a truck full <strong>of</strong> marijuana andparked it in front <strong>of</strong> my local federal <strong>of</strong>fice building,waited for the parents to drop <strong>of</strong>f their toddlers <strong>at</strong> thedaycare center and got the heck out <strong>of</strong> there as fast as I could.Do you know wh<strong>at</strong> happened? Nothing! Once again, it appearsth<strong>at</strong> I had been misled by media pundits, who in thewake <strong>of</strong> the Oklahoma City bombing have rushed to blamethe nineties right on the sixties left. “An Unlikely Legacy <strong>of</strong>the 60s: <strong>The</strong> Violent Right,” a New York Times front-pagerumin<strong>at</strong>ion by Peter Applebome, quoted assorted academicson the “libertarian strain” connecting Vietnam-era hippiesand peaceniks with today’s bandoliered milltiamen. “To the60s left it might have meant the right to smoke pot, while tothe 90s right it might mean the right to own guns, but the instinctis similar.”Oh, really? My own pot-smoking Instinct, albeit not a drivingpasslon, has never raised in me the slightest urge to owna gun. This equ<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> left and right is political science <strong>at</strong>the high school honor-code level, in whlch all infractionsare tre<strong>at</strong>ed as more or less equallygrave, regardless <strong>of</strong> intent orconsequence or scale, because thereal Infraction is rule-breakingitself. “Wh<strong>at</strong> happened in the1960s was th<strong>at</strong> the governmentwas successfully ‘delegitim<strong>at</strong>ed,’” the sociologist Gerald Marwellsaid to the Times. “We weretold in the 1960s th<strong>at</strong> the emper-or has no clothes and peopleshouldn’t accept wh<strong>at</strong> they’retold.” I like th<strong>at</strong> “we were told,”as tf nothing actually happened in the stxties except massbramwashing from some unspecified source-Country Joeand the Fish? <strong>The</strong> way I remember it, the government delegitim<strong>at</strong>editself, with phony body counts, lights <strong>at</strong> the end <strong>of</strong>ever-lengthening tunnels, destroying villages in order tosave them, children in flames on the evening news and soon-not to speak <strong>of</strong> the F.B.I. harassment <strong>of</strong> Martin LutherKing Jr. and sundry other semi-cnmlnal domestic activltles.Doesn’t the question <strong>of</strong> whether people should “accept wh<strong>at</strong>they’re told” depend on wh<strong>at</strong>’s being said? Resistlng an unjustwar th<strong>at</strong> even Robert McNamara has finally publlcly admittedwas misconceived and deceptively presented doesn’t strike meas bearing a close resemblance to organizmg a priv<strong>at</strong>e army<strong>of</strong> fellow gun nuts to fight the Anttchrist and Its earthly rep-resent<strong>at</strong>ives in the Clinton Administr<strong>at</strong>lon and the Britishroyal family.Timothy McVeigh is not some libertarian free splrit goneastray. He felt <strong>at</strong> home in the Army, hardly a counterculturaloutpost, and wanted to be a career soldier; he won medals forhis Gulf War service, In whlch his main task was to bury Iraqisoldiers alive. If we’re serlously interested In understandinghow a young man could blow up a building full <strong>of</strong> hundredsKATHA POLLITT<strong>of</strong> people, why not start by acknowledging th<strong>at</strong> the st<strong>at</strong>e henow claims to oppose gave him his first lessons in killing?When it comes to understanding American history, thosein charge <strong>of</strong> Its <strong>of</strong>ficial version are like Hera, who renewedher virgmity each year by b<strong>at</strong>hing in a magic spring. Becausethey are committed to a vision <strong>of</strong> America as forever young,Innocent, fresh <strong>of</strong>f the farm in wh<strong>at</strong> politicians and editorialwriters love, repellently, to call the “heartland,” the existenceIn our economic and cultural structures <strong>of</strong> conflict, alien<strong>at</strong>ionand violence-both freelance and organized-comes as a perpetualsurprise. But why reach for the left to explain the farright? <strong>The</strong> far rtght’s been around forever. It has quite a history<strong>of</strong> its own. Why not talk, for example, about the Ku KluxKlan-a violent, white supremacist, paramilitary anti-federalgovernmentorganlz<strong>at</strong>ion th<strong>at</strong>’s been murdering innocentpeople for more than a hundred years? As for the personalantiauthoritarianism exemplified by the sixties pot-smokers,the obvlous historical analogy is Prohibition, another unrealisticlegal interference with priv<strong>at</strong>e pleasure th<strong>at</strong> was openlymocked and flouted by millions <strong>of</strong> otherwise solid citizens.Indeed, one could argue th<strong>at</strong> the “libertarian strain” <strong>of</strong>American culture would not exist without the Puritan strain,for which we are equally famous.I’m still waiting for someone besides Frank Rich and thismagazine to point out th<strong>at</strong> the Oklahoma City bombing,which seemed so out <strong>of</strong> key with American values th<strong>at</strong> Islamicterrorists were immedi<strong>at</strong>ely blamed for it, in actual fact colncideswith an ongoing wave <strong>of</strong> home-grown violence againstabortion clinlcs: bombings, arson, de<strong>at</strong>h thre<strong>at</strong>s, murders. Noreal political will has been applied to comb<strong>at</strong>ing thisoutrage-“Christian terrorism”?-or to probing its possibleconnectlon with the far-right milittas. Curiously, the F.B.I.,which has dragged its feet on clinic violence, nonetheless,according to documents released May 15 by the Center forConstitutional Rights, has been closely following the doings<strong>of</strong> ACT UP and other AIDS and gay groups. <strong>The</strong> bureauclaims It was worried th<strong>at</strong> activists would throw AIDS-infectedblood <strong>at</strong> people.Now th<strong>at</strong>’s paranoid!***Family Values W<strong>at</strong>ch. “But [Pete] Wilson does have ‘corevalues,’ and they can be summarized in one word: f<strong>at</strong>herhood.Only f<strong>at</strong>hers, he says, can fully teach old veritiesorder,hard work, self-dlscipllne-th<strong>at</strong> wlll save America. Hehas convened a ‘F<strong>at</strong>hers Summit’ to ‘address the crisis <strong>of</strong> absentf<strong>at</strong>hers th<strong>at</strong> is unraveling the very fabric <strong>of</strong> our society.’Ironically, Wilson’s own experience <strong>at</strong> f<strong>at</strong>herhood is limited.He has been married twlce, to women with teenage childrenfrom first marriages.”-Newsweek, May 22.How come those whose abandonment <strong>of</strong> chlldren is supposedlyunravelmg soctety are the ones held to be solely quallfiedto teach traditional morality? If you’re looking for instructlonin self-sacrifice, hard work, deferred gr<strong>at</strong>ific<strong>at</strong>ion,why not go to the people who actually practice them-singlemothers?
June 5, 1995 <strong>The</strong> <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>. 785ARTICLES.LESSONS FROM THE LUDDITESSetting LimitsOn TechnologyKIRKPATRICK SALEAs Newt Gingrich has assured us, and as our owndaily experience has convinced us, we in the industrialworld are In the middle <strong>of</strong> a social and politicalrevolutlon th<strong>at</strong> 1s almost wlthout parallel.Call it “third wave” capltalism, or “postmodern,” or “multi-n<strong>at</strong>ional,” or wh<strong>at</strong>ever; this transform<strong>at</strong>~on is, without anyonebeing prepared for it, overwhelmlng the communities andinstitutions and customs th<strong>at</strong> once were the familiar stanchions<strong>of</strong> our lives. As Newsweek recently said, in a special issue th<strong>at</strong>actually seemed to be celebr<strong>at</strong>ing it, this revolution 1s “outstrippingour capacity to cope, antiqu<strong>at</strong>ing our laws, transformingour mores, reshuffling our economy, reordering our priorities,redeflning our workplaces, putting our Constitution to thefire, shifting our concept <strong>of</strong> reality.’’No wonder there are some people who are Just Saying No.<strong>The</strong>y have a gre<strong>at</strong> variety <strong>of</strong> stances and tactics, but thetechnophobes and techno-resisters out there are increasinglycoming together under the banner th<strong>at</strong> d<strong>at</strong>es to those <strong>at</strong>tackers<strong>of</strong> technology <strong>of</strong> two centuries ago, the Luddites. In thepast decade or so they have dared to speak up, to criticize thisface <strong>of</strong> high technology or th<strong>at</strong>, to organize and march andsue and write and propound, and to challenge the consequencesas well as the assumptions <strong>of</strong> thls second IndustrialRevolution, just as the Luddites challenged the fmt. Someare even using similar str<strong>at</strong>egies <strong>of</strong> sabotage and violence tomake their pomt.<strong>The</strong>se neo-Luddltes are more numerous today than onemight assume, techno-pessimists without the power and access<strong>of</strong> the techno-optimists but still with a not-lnslgnificant voice,shelves <strong>of</strong> books and documents and reports, and increasingnumbers <strong>of</strong> followers-maybe a quarter <strong>of</strong> the adult popul<strong>at</strong>ion,according to a Newsweek survey. <strong>The</strong>y are to be foundon the radical and dlrect-action side <strong>of</strong> envlronmentalism,particularly in the American West; they are on the dlssentingedges <strong>of</strong> academlc economics and ecology departments, generally<strong>of</strong> the no-growth school; they are everywhere In IndianCountry throughout the Americas, representlng a traditionalbiocentrlsm against the anthropocentric norm; they are activistsfightmg against nuclear power, lrradl<strong>at</strong>ed food, clearcutting,animal expenrnents, toxic waste and the killing <strong>of</strong>whales, among the many aspects <strong>of</strong> the high-tech onslaught.<strong>The</strong>y may also number-certainly they speak for-some <strong>of</strong>Krrkp<strong>at</strong>rrck Sale, a N<strong>at</strong>lon contrrbutrng edrtor, is the authormost recentIy <strong>of</strong>Rebels Against the Future: <strong>The</strong> Luddites and’ <strong>The</strong>ir War on the Industrlal Revolution: Lessons for the MachineAge (Addkon- Waley), from whlch thls arttcle IS udapted.those whose experience with modern technology has in oneway or another awakened them from wh<strong>at</strong> Lewis Mumfordcalled “the myth <strong>of</strong> the machine.” <strong>The</strong>se would include thoseseveral million people in all the industrial n<strong>at</strong>ions whose jobshave simply been autom<strong>at</strong>ed out from under them or havebeen sent overseas as part <strong>of</strong> the multin<strong>at</strong>ionals’ global network,itself built on high-tech communic<strong>at</strong>ions. <strong>The</strong>y wouldinclude the many millions who have suffered from some exposure,<strong>of</strong>ficially sanctioned, to pollutants and poisons, medlcinesand chemicals, and live with the terrible results. <strong>The</strong>yinclude some whose faith in the technological dream has beensh<strong>at</strong>tered by the recent evidence <strong>of</strong> industrial fragility anderror-Bhopal, Chernobyl, Love Canal, PCBs, Exxon Valdez,ozone holes-th<strong>at</strong> is the stuff <strong>of</strong> daily headlines. Andthey may include, too, quite a number <strong>of</strong> those whose experiencewith high technology in the home or <strong>of</strong>fice has leftthem confused or demeaned, or frustr<strong>at</strong>ed by machines toocomplex to understand, much less to repair, or assaulted andangered by systems th<strong>at</strong> deftly invade their privacy or denythem credit or turn them into ciphers.Techno-resisters couldfind theirmost useful analogues, if not theirmodels, in the Luddites.Wherever the neo-Luddites may be found, they are <strong>at</strong>temptingto bear witness to the secret little truth th<strong>at</strong> lies <strong>at</strong> the heart<strong>of</strong> the modern experience: Wh<strong>at</strong>ever its presumed benefits,<strong>of</strong> speed or ease or power or wealth, industrial technologycomes <strong>at</strong> a price, and in the contemporary world th<strong>at</strong> priceis ever rising and ever thre<strong>at</strong>ening. Indeed, inasmuch as industrialismis inevitably and inherently disregardful <strong>of</strong> the collectivehuman f<strong>at</strong>e and <strong>of</strong> the earth from which it extracts allits wealth-these are, after all, in capltalist theory “externalities”-itseems ever more certain to end in paroxysms <strong>of</strong> economicinequity and social upheaval, if not in the degrad<strong>at</strong>ionand exhaustion <strong>of</strong> the biosphere itself.From a long study <strong>of</strong> the original Luddites, I have concludedth<strong>at</strong> there is much in their experience th<strong>at</strong> can be importantfor the neo-Luddites today to understand, as distant andas different as their times were from ours. Because just as thesecond Industrial Revolution has its roots quite specificallyin the first-the machines may change, but their rnachinenessdoes not-so those today who are moved in some measure toreslst {or who even hope to reverse) the tide <strong>of</strong> industrialismmight find their most useful analogues, if not their modelsexactly, in those Luddites <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century.And as I see it, there are seven lessons th<strong>at</strong> one might, withthe focused lens <strong>of</strong> hutory, take from the Luddite past.1. Technologies are never neutral, and some are hurtful. Itwas not all machmery th<strong>at</strong> the Luddites opposed, but “all Machineryhurtful to Commonality,” as a March 1812 letter to
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