796 <strong>The</strong> <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>. June 5, 1995them an unacceptable drolt de regard over the foreign policy<strong>of</strong> other st<strong>at</strong>es. But curbing NATO’s eastward thrust wouldactually weaken the hard-hers politically by valid<strong>at</strong>ing themoder<strong>at</strong>es’ argument th<strong>at</strong> the West has no military designson Eastern Europe. Russian milltarists now use the specter <strong>of</strong>NATO expansion to distract <strong>at</strong>tention from the brutal war inChechnya. Some restraint on NATO’s part would benefit thebrave critics <strong>of</strong> th<strong>at</strong> war: people like the human rights campaignerSergei Kovalev, the committees <strong>of</strong> soldiers’ mothersand the journalists who risk their lives to counter the government’spropaganda.To some, all this is beside the point, because they say Russiawill inevitably come to oppose the West, regardless <strong>of</strong> themoder<strong>at</strong>e forces inside the country. Thls argument holds th<strong>at</strong>it makes sense to prepare for th<strong>at</strong> eventuality by expandingtween st<strong>at</strong>es whose popul<strong>at</strong>ions contain significant minoritiesth<strong>at</strong> constitute the majority in a neighboring st<strong>at</strong>e, likethe Hungarians in Romania, Slovakia or the Vojvodina region<strong>of</strong> Serbia.Other institutions might deal with such problems more effectivelythan NATO. <strong>The</strong> promise <strong>of</strong> economic rewards associ<strong>at</strong>edwith membership in the European Union, for example,has already provided leverage for moder<strong>at</strong>mg the policies <strong>of</strong>Hungary and Slovakia toward their ethnic minorities. <strong>The</strong>O.S.C.E. provides a means th<strong>at</strong> NATO lacks for resolving regionaldisputes, primarily because its membership includesall European st<strong>at</strong>es, large and small, plus Russia and the UnitedSt<strong>at</strong>es. At the May summit in Moscow, Yeltsln made itclear to President Clinton th<strong>at</strong> he preferred working throughO.S.C.E. r<strong>at</strong>her than an expanded NATO, doubtless becausea proven institution-NATO-to provide security for the he sees Russia as an equal partner in the former but not inst<strong>at</strong>es not long out <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Union’s grasp. A corollary the l<strong>at</strong>ter. Finally, if a genuine military alliance were requiredhere 1s th<strong>at</strong> altern<strong>at</strong>ive security arrangements are inferior, in- to defend Central and Eastern Europe, the W.E.U. would becluding reliance on collective security, on the Organlz<strong>at</strong>ionfor Security and Cooper<strong>at</strong>ion in Europe (O.S.C.E.), on theWestern European Union (W.E.U.) or on the United <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>s.Although many <strong>of</strong> the crltlclsms <strong>of</strong> these organlz<strong>at</strong>ions maybe valid, there is no reason to believe th<strong>at</strong> NATO is necessarilybetter suited to dealing with the kinds <strong>of</strong> thre<strong>at</strong>s thest<strong>at</strong>es <strong>of</strong> Eastern and Central Europe are llkely to encounter.In the near term <strong>at</strong> least, these countries’ problems willnot come from Russia but from economic crisis, ecologicala better choice than NATO, largely because the United St<strong>at</strong>esis not a member.A revival <strong>of</strong> East-West conflict along the lines <strong>of</strong> the coldwar is hardly inevitable. But few geopolitical decisions wouldencourage it more than expansion <strong>of</strong> NATO into Eastern Europe.If the Clinton Administr<strong>at</strong>ion insists on enlarging NATOit runs a serious risk <strong>of</strong> rupturing rel<strong>at</strong>ions with Moscow, abreak th<strong>at</strong> could be disastrous <strong>at</strong> a time when democr<strong>at</strong>ic reformersin Russia already face the distinct possibility <strong>of</strong> beingdegrad<strong>at</strong>ion, internal ethnic conflict and from disputes be- overwhelmed by the forces <strong>of</strong> the past. 0BE ALERT!Frustr<strong>at</strong>ed by the massive amount <strong>of</strong> mail and calls the Right is able to on muster any issue <strong>at</strong> all? Tired <strong>of</strong> readingabout one travesty <strong>of</strong> justice after another and not knowing wh<strong>at</strong> to do about it? 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iJune 5, 1995 <strong>The</strong> <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>. 797BOOKS & THE ARTS.intellectually voracious Florence JoinedA Small Circle <strong>of</strong> Friendsthe first gener<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> white women ad-DANA FRANKFLORENCE KELLEY AND THE NA-TION’S WORK: <strong>The</strong> Rise <strong>of</strong> Women’sPolitical Culture, 1830-1900. By K<strong>at</strong>hrynKish Sklar. Yale. 437pp. $35.In 1886, havlng just completed thefirst (and classic) English transl<strong>at</strong>ion<strong>of</strong> Friedrich Engels’s <strong>The</strong> Condltlon<strong>of</strong> the Workmg Class in England,Florence Kelley wrote Engels <strong>of</strong> thedifficulties she was encountering promotinghis book in the United St<strong>at</strong>es. Inthe afterm<strong>at</strong>h <strong>of</strong> the Haymarket affair,revolutionary working-class propagandawas a hard sell. However, she suggested,a most receptive audience existed in theIowa Suffrage Associ<strong>at</strong>ion and in the n<strong>at</strong>ion’snewly prolifer<strong>at</strong>mg colleges. Sixyears l<strong>at</strong>er she still insisted, “I find more‘root and branch Socialism’ among menand women <strong>of</strong> the prosperous class thanI do among our n<strong>at</strong>ive American andIrish American wages earners.” Needlessto say, Engels “responded coolly.”Even <strong>at</strong> the moment <strong>of</strong> her gre<strong>at</strong>estcommitment to soclallsm Kelley was neverable to view the world from outslde herown community. Yet she also walkedaway from some <strong>of</strong> her own class prlvilegesand spent her life trying to helpwhite workmg-class women.Florence Kelley has long been a fascln<strong>at</strong>ingfigure in part because <strong>of</strong> th<strong>at</strong> fundamentaltenslon. In many ways she wasthe far left wlng <strong>of</strong> the crowd <strong>of</strong> whitewomen centered around Jane Addamsand Hull-House who, beginnmg in 1889,encamped in the middle <strong>of</strong> Chicago’sslums and dedic<strong>at</strong>ed themselves to servingthe victims <strong>of</strong> industrial capitallsm<strong>The</strong>se women-among them Addams,who would go on to wln the Nobel PeacePrize; Julia L<strong>at</strong>hrop, who would head theU.S. Children’s Bureau; and Kelley herself,who served as general secretary <strong>of</strong>the <strong>N<strong>at</strong>ion</strong>al Consumers’ League from1899 to 1932”are now the subject <strong>of</strong> agre<strong>at</strong> deal <strong>of</strong> <strong>at</strong>tention as among thefounders <strong>of</strong> the U.S. welfare st<strong>at</strong>e.Dana Frank teaches Arnerlcan studres<strong>at</strong> the Umverslty <strong>of</strong>Callfornra,SantaCruz. She IS the author <strong>of</strong> PurchasmgPower: Consumer Orgamzlng, Gender,and the Se<strong>at</strong>tle Labor Movement, 1919-1929 (Cambridge).Many scholars, including <strong>The</strong>da Skocpol,have begun to insist on the historicalimport <strong>of</strong> Kelley’s cohort as st<strong>at</strong>e builders,and as the heroines <strong>of</strong> a new “gendered”history <strong>of</strong> politics th<strong>at</strong> views themas powerful pioneers for both social justiceand women’s empowerment. Others,such as Gwendolyn Mink, view their ascendanceless happlly, criticizing the raceand class agendas embedded in the Hull-House gener<strong>at</strong>ion’s endeavors.Jane Addams oneredFlorence Kelley a job, aplace to live andmembership in wh<strong>at</strong>Keley described as a‘colony <strong>of</strong> efficient andintelligent women.’K<strong>at</strong>hryn Kish Sklar’s engrossing newbiography <strong>of</strong> Florence Kelley lands rlghtin the middle <strong>of</strong> this deb<strong>at</strong>e. Based onvoluminous research, written with acompelling narr<strong>at</strong>ive command, this first<strong>of</strong> two volumes on Kelley’s life sweepsthrough the world <strong>of</strong> white reformers inthe l<strong>at</strong>e-nineteenth-century United St<strong>at</strong>es.Like Sklar’s pioneermg 1973 study <strong>of</strong>C<strong>at</strong>harine Beecher, Florence Kelley andthe Nahon’s Work IS a model <strong>of</strong> biographyth<strong>at</strong> captures the subject while usingher to dlumin<strong>at</strong>e historical processes <strong>of</strong>which her hfe was part.lorence Kelley was born in Philadel-F phia in 1859, the daughter <strong>of</strong> Willlam“Pig Iron” Kelley, judge, Congressmanfor thirty years and one <strong>of</strong> the most powerfulpoliticians <strong>of</strong> the l<strong>at</strong>e-nineteenthcenturyRepublican Party. He dashed <strong>of</strong>fdally missives from his desk in Washingtonpassion<strong>at</strong>ely confiding to Florencethe reception <strong>of</strong> this speech or th<strong>at</strong> bill,conveying a sense <strong>of</strong> “the immediacy <strong>of</strong>political power” th<strong>at</strong> was the key to herl<strong>at</strong>er politics, along with the tradition <strong>of</strong>women’s benevolent reform she got fromher gre<strong>at</strong> aunt Sarah Pugh.In 1876, <strong>at</strong> the age <strong>of</strong> 16, the serious andmitted to colleges in the United St<strong>at</strong>es. AtCornel1 she appears to have been tre<strong>at</strong>edin many ways as the equal <strong>of</strong> men <strong>of</strong> herclass and race.But once she left Ithaca, the bars <strong>of</strong>gender discrimin<strong>at</strong>ion came thuddingdown. Even her f<strong>at</strong>her’s connectionscouldn’t get her into gradu<strong>at</strong>e school in1882, although they could get her thesis onchild labor published. Driven by a deeplymoral commitment to allevi<strong>at</strong>ing the miseries<strong>of</strong> the white working class, shesearched for a place in the reform world,teaching evening classes for workingclasswomen back in Philadelphia.Learning th<strong>at</strong> the <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> Zurichwould grant Ph.D.s to women, she enrolledthere in 1883 to study government.In Zurich, Kelley burrowed deeper anddeeper into reform circles until she burstupon the inner core <strong>of</strong> Marxian soclalistexiles from all over Europe. In 1884 shemet and married one, Lazare Wischnewetzky,a Russian Jewish doctor. Soonthereafter she took up the transl<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong>Engels’s Conditron, while giving birth inquick succession to three children. <strong>The</strong>most revealing evidence about the marriageappears in three family photos, inwhich Lazare’s visage appears successivelymore glowering and thre<strong>at</strong>ening, Florence’smeeker and more submlsswe.In 1886 the family moved to New York,where Florence sought to dedic<strong>at</strong>e herselfto the socialist cause. But the SocialistLabor Party, the strongest explicitly Marxistgrouping <strong>at</strong> the time, was lost in Germansectarianism, and Kelley again turnedto cross-class white women’s groups. Shetaught economics <strong>at</strong> a settlement house,hustled for the appointment <strong>of</strong> womenfactory inspectors, rushed <strong>of</strong>f letters toeditors and fought for child labor reform.All the whde Lazare be<strong>at</strong> her.In 1891 she fled with her children andlanded on the doorstep <strong>of</strong> Hull-Housein Chicago. Jane Addams, herself thedaughter <strong>of</strong> a prominent Illinois legisl<strong>at</strong>or,immedi<strong>at</strong>ely <strong>of</strong>fered Kelley a job, aplace to live and membership in wh<strong>at</strong>Kelley would describe as a “colony <strong>of</strong> efficientand intelligent women.”Again Kelley groped toward a way toaid white working-class women; againmany <strong>of</strong> her overtures fell into the gap betweenher intentions and her class politics.First she establlshed a job placement bureaufor domestic servants-but none applied.<strong>The</strong>n, through the Illinois Woman’s1
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