The Nation. - Department of Government at Cornell University

June 5. 1995$2.50 U.S./$3.50 CanadaEDITORIALRADICALDANGERSThe Oklahoma Clty bombingseems to have turned the nation’spolitics upside down.The lawmd-order N.R.A.takes up the cudgel against federal cops.The former constitutionalaw professorat 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue decries “un-Americans” in our midst and makes histop priority expanding the F.B.I.’s politicalsnooping authority to the tune of$1.5 billion, while those old Reaganiteanti-terrorist drumbeaters Bob Dole andOrrin Hatch now sound like civilibertarianheroes. A few clarifying observationsfor this season of confusion:5 The G.O.P.3 newfound civil hbertar-ianlsm isn’t even skin deep. The very samesenators speaking so eloquently aboutthe Bill of Rights are pushing hard to attachhabeas corpus reform-restrictionson all state death-row prisoners’ appealstothe terrorism package. “It is really theonly legislation we can pass that will havea direct effect on the Oklahoma case,”argues Hatch. But as civil rights lawyerVirginia Sloan told Legal Tmes, “In OklahomaCity, you’re talking about federalprisoners tried for federal crmes in federalcourts. Habeas 1s for state prisonerstried for state crlrnes in state courts.”!j On April 27, F.B.I. chief Lewis Freehtold a Senate hearlng that he needs theCllnton terrorlsm package because currentanti-spying regulations put the Bureau“at an extreme disadvantage” In monitorlngvlolent groups. Thanks to the PnvacyAct and other post-COINTELPROhandcuffs, Freeh told Wisconsin SenatorRussell Femgold, theF.B.I. doesn’t evenvcollect publicly avail- ;able news clippings.(Con[. on Page 779) 377537 23’I ,

778 The Nation.EXCHANGE.Pumping Up the VolumeJune 5, 1995as Cooper suggests, but a well-documentedreality.Cooper, however, has me seeing the worldas controlled by a Jewish financial conspiracy,so he fabricates the following quotation:“But ths is why If you go to Wall Street you’llsee it’s all Greenbergs, Shembergs and so on.”I did not say that and Cooper knows it. Cooper’spiece contains many other factual errors.Ken Adams was on for sixty minutes, notninety, and Bo Gritz was given equal time withall other candidates registered wlth the FederalElection Commlssion during the 1992presidential race. These convenient omisslonsspeak volumes.Radical Cooper suggests in a roundaboutfashion that if I had consulted researcher fickEaton at the Simon Wiesenthal Center, Iwould have learned of their claim against theone lone author. Swell! Does that mean thatnow each talk host on thousands of radiostations has to contact each special-interestgroup to see if their proposed guest is “politicallycorrect”? Go look at the masswe Encycbpedra of Associatrons in your llbrary and it’sobvious that it’s impossible. Cooper will eventuallyfind out that the most careful talk-showhost occasionally gets snookered. It comeswith the territory. If one of our thousands ofguests was indeed an anti-Semite, then Cooperknows in his heart that our broadcastinghim was an honest mistake. Why didn’t he saythat? SPECIAL AGENDA?It’s also an outrage that what Cooper agreedwas good about us was also left In his wastebasket.The Natron knew prlor to press tlmethat the co-founder of our corporation andnetwork is a Jew actively involved In Jewlshreligious affairs. Three of seven For TheF‘eoplestaff network hosts are Jewish. For sometime we devoted one of our regular programsto Jewlsh Issues. Rabbi Marvm Hier of theSimon Wiesenthal Center did a speclal onehourprogram about the Holocaust and wehave aired it often on the full network. Dozensof Jewish authors and public officials havebeen guests on my show. Thousands of ourregular listeners are Jewlsh and many calledIn wlth support after they saw the Nation article.Finally, I have been attacked in the LibertyLobby’s newspaper, The Spotlight, as atool of Jewish and Israel1 interests. These aremaJor omlsslons known to The Natlon prlorto press time.Cooper assumes a hoher-than-thou attitudeand holds my feet to the fire subject to hisimagined standards of responnblhty. At thesame time, his article 1s accompanled by adsfor Anarchwt Cookbook (did the terroristswho bombed the World Trade Center have thatbook?), a newsletter called “CounterPunch”(exposing the Chase Manhattan Bank), anotherad screaming “Scholarly Booklet ProvesJesus Never Existed!” while another ad promotesGood Vibrations sex toys, to name afew. On the followmg page 1s an appeal for(Continued on Page 808)

June 5, 1995 The Nation since 1865. 779CONTENTS. Volume 260, Number 22EXCHANGE778 Eustace Mullins, Harder ChuckMarc Cooper790 Flying for D.N.C. Dollars:Ron Brown’s V.I.P. Junkets Ken Silverstein792 Guatemala ’46:In the Lalr of the OctopusGore VrdalEDITORIALS795 Why Russia Opposes Expansion:777 Radical DangersNATO Stay Away780 The Country TeamA llan Nam From My DoorMatthew Evangelista781 Slash Burn andJeff Faux782 Usual Suspects Patrrcla J. WdlrarnsCOLUMNS782 Bush, Backslid Calvrn Trdlrn783 Minority Report Christopher Hitchens784 Subject to Debate Katha PoillttARTICLES785 Lessons From the Luddites:Setting Limlts on TechnologyKrrkpalrlck SaleBOOKS & THE ARTS797 Sklar: Florence Kelley and the Nation’sWork: The Rise of Women’sPolitical Culture, 1830-1900 Dana Frank800 Talk Is Cheap Jill Nelson803 Art Arthur C. Danto807 The Ecllpse (poem) Joseph ChaneyIllustrations by Monica IncisaEdrfor, Katrlna vanden HeuvelEwecutrve Edrtor, Rlchard Llngeman; Assocrafe Edrtors, Katha Polhtt, BruceShaplro, Mlcah L Slfry, Lrterary Edrtors, Elsa Dlxler, Art Wlnslow, PoefryEdrfor, Grace Schulman, Managmg Edrtor, JoAnn WyplJewskl, Copy ChreJRoane Carey, Copy Editor, Judllh Long, Assrstanf Copy Edrtor, EmllyGordon, Assrstant to rhe Edrtor. Dennls Selby, Interns. Marta Anson, MartmBoer, BenJarnln Fmernan, Stephane Fltch. Lawrence Levl, Eric Verhoogen,Llsa WestbergDeparfrnenls Archrtecture, Jane Holtz Kay, Art, Arthur C Danto, Flctron,John Leonard: Fhs, Stuart Klawans, MUSIC, Edward W Sald. Gene Santoro;Televrsron, Lewls Cole, Theater. Thomas M Dlsch, Bureaus. Washington,Davld Corn, Europe, Danlel Smger, Budupesl, Mlklbs Vamos, Tokyo, KarlTaro Greenfeld, Southern Afrlco, Mark Gevmer Corporarlons, RobertSherrlll. Defense, Mlchael T Klare, Columnrsts andRegular ContrrbutorsAlexander Cockburn (Beat the Devrl), Chrlstopher Hltchens (MrnorrtyReporf). Aryeh Neler ( Watchrng Rrghts). Katha Pollltt (SubJecf fo Debate),Edward Sore], Calvln Trlllln, Conlrlbufrng Edrfors Lucla Annunzlata, KalBud. George Black, Robert L Borosage, Stephen F Cohen, Marc Cooper,Mike Daws, Slavenka Drakuhc, Thomas Ferguson, Doug Henwood, MaxHolland, Molly Lvlns, Joel Rogers, Klrkpatrlck Sale, Robert Scheer, HermanSchwartz, Andrew L Shaplro, Ted Solotaroff, Gore Vldal, Jon Wlener, AmyWllentz, Patrlcla J Wllllams, EdrtorralBoard: Norman Blrnbaurn, RlchardFalk. Frances FltzCerald, Phhp Green, Randall Kennedy, Ellnor Langer.Deborah W Meler. Ton1 Morrlson, Rlchard Parker, MlchaeI Pertschuk, EllzabethPochoda, Ne11 Postman, Marcus G Raskin, Davld Welr, Roger WllklnsEdrtor at Large, Rlchard PollakManuscrrpts Address to “The Edltor” Not responslble for the return of unsollcltedmanuscrlpts unless accompanied by addressed, stamped envelopesUnsollc~ted faxed manuscrlpts wrll not be acknowledged unless acceptedEDITORIALS.Radical Dangers(Contmued From Front Cover)Evidently gun-toting weekend warriors are one thing andnonviolent AIDS activists another, because last week the Centerfor Constitutlonal Rlghts made public an EB.1. file onpeacefully provocatlve ACT UP. Most of the twenty-twopages released under the Freedom of Information Act (another177 remaln classlfled) consist precisely of what Freehclalmed he doesn’t collect: news clippmgs and leaflets.Q President Clinton declares the milltlas “un-Amerrcan”because they “desplse your government.” But susplclon ofstate power 1s a long American tradition, and wlth good-Publrsher and Edrtorral Drrector, Vlctor NavaskyAssociate Pubhsher for Busmess Affarrs, Vlctor S GoldbergPresrdenf. Ned Black, Advertrsrng Drrector. Peter Mlllard, Assrstunf Manager,Tomasma Boyd, Controller, George Fuchs, BusrnessManager, Ann BEpsteln, Bookkeeper, Ivor A Rlchardson; Art/Productron Manager, JaneSharples, Productron, Sandy McCroskey, Sauna Trenkle; Cmdatlon Dmzfor,Teresa Stack, Munager, MIchelle O’Keefe; ReCeptronM, Vlvette Dhanukdharl,Data Entry/Marl Coordmator, John Holtz, Admrntstralrve Secretary, ShirleySulat, Natron Assocrafes Drrector, Peggy Randall; Publrcily/SyndrcatronDrrector, Jonathan Taylor; ~pecralProJeclsDrrector, Peter Rothberg, OperatronsManager, Davld N Perrotta, Advertrsrng Consultanf, Chrls CalhounThe Natron (ISSN 0027-8378) IS publlshed weekly (except for the fmt weekIn January, and blweekly In July and August) by The Natlon Company, L P0 1995 in the USA. by The Natlon Company, L P., 72 Flfth Avenue, NewYork, NY 10011 (212) 242-8400 Washrngton Bureau: Sulte 308, 110 MarylandAvenue N E , Washlngton, DC 20002 (202) 546-2239 Second-class postagepald at New York. NY, and at addltlonal mallrng offlces. International Telex667 155 NATION Subscrlptlon orders, changes of address and all subscrlptlonmqulrres The Natron, PO Box 10763, Des Molnes IA 50340-0763, orcall 1-800-333-8536. Subscrrptron Prm: 1 year, $48, 2 years, $80. Add $18for surface mall postage outslde U.S Please allow 4-6 weeks for receipt ofyour first issue and for all subscription transactions. Back issues $4 prepald($5 forelgn) from The Natron. 72 Flfth Avenue, New York, NY 10011. TheNatron IS avadable on mlcrofllm from’ Umversrty Mlcrofllms, 300 North ZeebRoad, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 Member, Audlt Bureau of Clrculatlons POST-MASTER Send address changes to The Nolion, PO Box 10763, Des MomesIA 50340-0763 Thls issue went to press on May 18 Printed In US A onrecycled paperreason. Laws most often protect the interests of corporationsand the wealthy. Politiclans and generals send teenagers to bekilled In pointless military adventures. Long before Waco, thepolice were known to murder atizens, llke the Black Panthers’Fred Hampton, in their beds.Clinton’s broad-brush language, like his legislation, endangersall radicals. The mllltias spell trouble not because theyare antigovernment but because, as Morris Dees of the SouthernPoverty Law Center told the terrorlsrn subcommittee,“All too often their members grow bored wlth roaming thewoods and shootmg at paper targets” But Dees, who hasfought violent white supremacists for years, opposes Clinton’santlterrorisrn package: “Most hate vlolence is commltted byangry, unaffiliated loners-people on the margins of life-

780 The Nation. June 5,1995who would probably go undetected” by the Clinton bill.Paramilitaries are most to be feared not when they hate thegovernment but when they are its allies, as when the Ku KluxKlan dominated Democratic politics in the South from theera of lynch law to the early 1960s. That’s why the overt allianceof militias with conservative Republicans via the wellfundedWise Use movement or the N.R.A., and with electedRepublican legislators like Helen Chenoweth is real cause forconcern. But that’s politics, not law enforcement. Using merehatred of the government to justify wiretaps, unregulatedF.B.I. power to subpoena credit and bank records and the creationof a huge federal snoop squad is cynical manipulation ofpublic fear. As Senator Feingold observes, “Every bureaucracyhas its wish list, and what better chance to get it through?”The Country TeamTstation chiefs who have directed the U.S. and Guatemalanagents working inside the GuatemalanArmy’s notorious (3-2. If Congress is serious abouthe Natmn has learned the identities of the C.I.A.investigating the U.S. role in Guatemala’s holocaust, itshould call these men to testify-publicly-along with vanoushlgher-ups.V. Harwood “Vinx” Blocker 3d (who served from 1977 to1980) can speak on the early years of the Gen. Lucas Garciaregime, when the Guatemalan Army, with U.S. backing andsupport, staged a series of high-noon assassmations that decapltatedthe popular movement. His interim successor, Barry. . Royden (1980), can also speak to that theme, as can RobertHultslander (1981-83), who arrived at the height of the urbanterror and who ran the station as the Guatemalan Army ravagedthe Mayan countryside. Vincent M. Shields (1983-84)and Jack McCavitt (1984-86) can testify to the General Mejiayears, when the army perfected its web of clandestine torturecenters and persecuted the relatives of the disappeared. RafaelMariani (1987-88) can discuss the crimes of Gen. Hector GramajoMorales, a C.I.A. asset (Mariani told me that Gramajohad “an excellent reputation”), as can Alfonso Sapia-Bosch(1988-91), who ran the station during the assassination of anthropologistMyrna Mack, the gang-rape and torture Sis- ofter Dianna Ortiz, the massacre at Santiago Atitlan and theexecution of innkeeper Michael DeVine. Frederic Brugger(1991-93) and Dan Donahue (1993-95) can talk about the Bamacacase and also the more than 1,000 other assassinationscarried out during their time. (The agents-some of whomhave previously been named In print as C.I.A. men by myselfand others-were identified through interviews with U.S.and Guatemalan officials and through written sources, includingU.S. pay manifests.)The point of calling these men would not be to use themas fall guys for Washington’s crimes (the policy, after all, hasbeen made by the White House, the State Department andCongress Itself) but rather to illuminate-with firsthand details-howthe U.S. terror system works on the ground.Mariani, the only one of the station chiefs willing to speakto me at length on the record, inadvertently made a tellingpoint when he said that, in Guatemala, the U.S. role was“rather normal.” What Guatemalans experience as U.S. comanagementof a klller army, is, in U.S. Embassy terms, busnessas usual. Asked, for example, about U.S. relations withthe G-2, Mariani said, “As always, they were good.” Thoughhe claimed that during his stint the officer payroll was notreally that big, he said that, in practice, he could not recall“any aspect of the Guatemalan military being renegade or obstreperousor a problem for the U.S.” (As to internal embassyoperations, Marian] said: “At the country team meetingsI attended [presided over by the ambassador], I don’t rememberany sort of divlsion. . . . We’re a pretty orderly government.It gets boring at times.”)Manani’s theme of comity was echoed by General Gramajo.Gramajo, the mass killer recently found by a U.S. federaldistrict court to have “devised and directed . . . an indiscrim-inate campaign of terror against civilians,” told my colleagueEric Verhoogen that he was introduced to Sapia-Bosch (withwhom he “did offlcial business”) by Ambassador ThomasStroock (just as, he believes, he was introduced to Marianiby Stroock’s predecessor, James Michel) and that for himthere was no real distinction between the C.I.A. and the restof the embassy. As he put it, “It’s part of the country team,not separate identities.” (Grama10 also said that he first metBlocker at Fort Benning, Georgia, while taklng the 1960 RangerCourse at the U.S. Army Infantry School.)The C.I.A. men are civil servants in a global U.S. terrornet; If questioned, under oath, they could shed light on othersimilar operations. Among them: Chile (Royden), Argentina(Blocker), El Salvador (Brugger, McCavitt), Honduras(Shields) and Nicaragua (Sapia-Bosch), as well as the invasionsof the Dominican Republic (1965, Blocker) and EastTimor (1975, Shields). Sapia-Bosch worked in the White Housefrom 1982 to 1983 as President Reagan’s chlef adviser on CentralAmerican affairs. During the early 1980s Brugger was thedeputy chlef of station in El Salvador, where, according toRicardo Castro, a Salvadoran death squad officer he recruited,Brugger oversaw (and sat in on) interrogation training sessions(Castro was the translator for North a American C.I.A.instructor) that at times included instruction in electroshocktorture techniques [see Nairn, “Confesslons of a Death SquadOfficer,” The Progressrve, March 19861.It certainly appears at the moment, though, that Congressdoes not want such a probe. A senior investigator for the SenateIntelligence Committee says, for example, that he “hopes”the C.I.A. will “come to us” If it happens to notice that it hasanyone “susp~cious” on its payroll. But he sald the committeedoes not plan to review the full payroll itself. Likewise, amore senlor investigator scoffs at the report (passed on byRepresentative Robert Torricelli from people inside the agency)that a colonel in the National Security Agency has been destroyingfiles. He says the committee has to give the N.S.A.“a little leeway.” “We’d rather let them collect [the documents]first, then piggyback on their efforts.” The shredding reportmight be, he said, the idle charge of a spiteful nelghbor: “aguy down the street who the [N.S.A.] colonel complainsdoesn’t his cut grass.”ALLAN NAIRNAllan Nairn has wrrtten extensrvely on Guatemala and rtsrndrtary srnce 1980.

IJune 5, 1995 The Nation. 781Slash and BurnAsexpected, the Republican proposals to balancethe budget by 2002 call for savage cuts in thedomestic public sector. The “moderate” proposalof Senate Budget Committee chairman PeteDomenici would ax domestic spending over the next sevenyears by almost one-third to reach his goal of $1 trlllion insavings. Little was spared: Programs for educatlon, workertraining, infrastructure, health and safety, science and the environmenttook routine cuts of 25 to 50 percent and many wereeliminated. Medicare-supposedly untouchable-will be cut15 percent. The House’s intentions are even bloodier. Budgetchairman John Kasich matched the Domenici cuts and addedanother $360 billion to pay for the promised Republican taxcuts for the rich and still another $92 billion for an increasein military spending.The Republican budget was not without some sleight ofhand. In an effort to share the political backlash, budget plannerscall for a bipartisan commlsslon to specify exactly wherethe cuts in Medicare will come from. And although Kasich hasbilled himself as someone unafraid to cut business subsidies,almost $60 billion In annual corporate tax loopholes will not betouched. The G.O.P. did not come to town to make the richpay for a balanced budget. They know who their friends are.Which is more than you can say for many Democrats.Shortly after the plans were released recently, White HouseChief of Staff Leon Panetta and budget director Alice Rivlinassembled various Cablnet officers to denounce the cuts asheartless toward the poor and elderly, shortsighted towardchildren and dangerous for the economy. They are correct.But having for the past two years made deficit reduction thecenterpiece of its economic program, the Administration washoist with its own political petard.Bill Clinton’s initlal budget, reflecting his campaign theme,called for increased investment in schools, roads and technology.After it was defeated by one vote he turned on adime; President Invest-in-America became President Cut-the-Deficit. This co-optation of a Republlcan theme was regardedas a stroke of genius by the Washington punditry. Panetta andRivlin were heroes who proved to Wall Street that Clinton wastruly a New Democrat. As late as this past January A1 Gorewas saying on Face the Natron that the budget should be balancedby 2002. Panetta still says he favors eliminating thedeflcit but not by any certain date. Wlth both partles in agree-ment, the publicis now convinced that the deficit is the country’sbiggest economic problem. To make matters worse, theAdministration’s own budget for this year provides for a taxcut and an increase in military spending-despite the fact thatsix years after the end of the cold war the Pentagon is stillspendlng as much in real terms as it did In the mld-1970s. Ineffect, the White House has endorsed putting the burden ofdeficit reduction on social programs.While public sentlment for balancing the budget 1s strong,so is sentiment against balancmg it on the backs of the elderly,the poor, ordlnary taxpayers or state and local governments.So the Republicans will no doubt back off from imposing allthe pain on the mlddle class that balancmg the budget re-quires. “They cannot do this!” Panetta insisted. But the centralobjective of the G.O.P. leadership is not to ellminate thedeficit-any more than it was In the 1980s when Republicansquadrupled the national debt. Deficlt reduction is a cover forthe effort to destroy the government’s abllity to protect Americansagainst the excesses of the market, and to redistributenational resources away from the Democrats’ constituenciestoward the G.O.P.’s own.With help from accommodatlng Democrats, the problemof the deflclt has been blown way out of proportion. As longas annual deficits do not exceed the annual growth in nationalincome, the country can sustain them forever. The only reasondeficits may rise faster than income over the next decadeis the rising cost of medical care, for which the solution iscomprehensive health care reform, not the wholesale slaughterof federal programs. Moreover, the deficit is artificiallyinflated by the pecullar way the government keeps its books.Roughly $140 billion of the current $200 billion deficit representscapital investment, whlch under normal accountingprocedures would not be Included as an operating expendlture.Indeed, the proposed cuts in public investment will domore damage to the next generation than any deficit spendingthe investment represents.rnA REAL ENEMYhe same week that federal bureaucrats from theT Centers for Disease Control were donning protectivesults in Zaire to track and contain the latest outbreakof the killer Ebola virus, budget cutters on CapitolHill were urging slashes in foreign aid programsand C.E.0.s of the two remaining U.S. submarinemanufacturingfirms were wrestling over the $60 blllionWashington will spend on thlrty new attack subs. WhichIS the greater threat to the nation’s secunty-the lethalvirus or the unidentified enemy that these submarinesare designed to blast?Funding for the C.D.C.3 non-AIDS infectious dlseaseprogram has been on the rise in the past few years, butit’s still a modest effort by relative standards at $36 milliona year. Donald Henderson of the Johns HopkinsSchool of Public Health notes that if the United Statesand other developed countries hope to prevent a plagueof Ebola (or another deadly vlrus), they should spend$150 mllllon a year and fund fifteen early-warningcllnlcs near tropical forests and ten state-of-the-artvirology labs In the field.The Ebola scare demonstrates that the United Stateshas an enormous stake in what occurs in the Third WorldCongress eviscerates International env~ronmental, healthand development programs and wastes money on “defense”at our peril. For the prlce of one-tenth of one newsub-or one F-22 Jet fighter, or one C-17 military transportplane, or one B-2 bomber-the United States couldmount a comprehenslve anti-Ebola program. Where’sthe choice?DAVID

782 The Nation. June 5. 1995Instead of challenging the conservative line on the deficit,the Administration has echoed it. Now Republicans are saying,Put up or shut up. Recently Laura Tyson, the President’schief economist, suggested that eliminating the budget deficitmight not be such a great idea. But it was too late: The WhiteHouse had already set out the cutlery for the Republican feast.JEFF FAUXJeff Faux is presden f of the Economic Policy Institute.Usual SuspectsAnotherabout theweek of continued media handwringmggeneral racial divlde on 0. J.’s innocence.How ever could black people give such credenceto all this trumped-up consplracy stuff? (Blacksare relatlvely less educated and therefore possibly more gull-Ible, opined one jury expert.) Meanwhde, it was another interestingweek on the home front. Flfteen more officers wereindicted in the Bronx for corrupt~on and racketeering. InJersey City, a man died of a beating while in police custody.And Earl Graves Jr., senior vice president for advertising andmarketing at Black Enferprlse Magazrne, was stopped andfrisked “from top to bottom” on his way to work, reportedThe New York Times. Graves “asked the [Metro North police]officers what kind of man they were looking for and wastold a black man with short hair. ‘Well, that narrows it downto about 6 million people,’ Graves replied.”Please don’t get me wrong. In the Simpson case, a policeconspiracy would have to have been a pretty intricate matterinvolvmg an unlikely number of people-the odds are againstit, I think. But one should not have to be black to be worriedthat serious abuses of state-sponsored force occur far too frequentlynot to have eroded some measure of institutlonal leg~tirnacy.One should not have to be black to be worried abouthaving created a vlrtual caste system in which civil societyis divided into racially and ethnically presumptlve “suspectprofiles” on the one hand and those unexceptional “all-American types” (as the F.B.I. described Timothy McVeighafter the Oklahoma Clty bombing) on the other.The blindness of too many Americans to the long, long historyof police abuses In black communities-such as thosethat fueled the L.A. nots-has resulted In a remarkably undemocratictolerance for police violence and corruption. Butscandalous practices do not stay confined to racial or ideologicaltiers forever. The erosion of publlc trust in pol~ce andother institutions of law enforcement has repercussions atevery level. If fear of the black bogyman makes Robocop ahero, then we can hardly be surprised when those same hightechcowboy tactics-guns a-blazing, wires a-tapping-precipltatedisasters in which not only members of MOVE butalso Branch Davldians perish.The medla coverage following the arrest of McVeigh wasamazing for the backflips by commentators who had beenspeaking of “these Middle Easterners” and “those people”and “thuggish, terrorist types,” into flowery discussions ofhow careful we must be not to prejudge “indivlduals” orto “indict all militias.” This contrast in styles of discoursemight be underscored by the tongue-in-cheek conversationI had with a friend who was raised on a farm in the Midwest,shortly after the arrest of McVeigh’s alleged accomplice,Terry Nichols.“I hope you don’t think all farmers from the heartland arelike this,” he said.“Well, I don’t know,” I replied. “The F.B.I. says that JohnDoe Number live is a Mlddle Western type, and your peoplewould seem to fit the bill.”“No, really!” he pleaded. “Not all Mlddle Westerners areterrorists.”“I know, I know,” I comforted him. “In fact I don’t eventhink of you as a Middle Westerner.”“You know, Middle Westerners share the same values andrespect for life as anyone else. We’re just the same as you.”“Come now, let’s not get carried away,” I felt compelledto interject on behalf of scientific truth. “We New Yorkershave much higher I.Q.s, after all. Would the course of civilizationhave veered so much as a hiccup if cornflakes had neverbeen invented? Face it, the Middle West has yet to produceits Tolstoy, its Mozart, its Brooke Astor. . . .”What happens if the absurdity of this conversation becomesthe dominant mode of political speech? What happens if Midwesternersbecome so mythologized and feared that we juststop hiring them and arrest as many of them as we can andtie the tubes of their sturdy, too-fertile women, and cut offtheir farm subsidles-they’re just sitting around stockpilingfertilizer with our tax dollars, after all-and build the kindof prisons where they will never again see the light of day?And surely whatever power on earth it would take to controlan evil like Midwesterners could never be called excesswe.Just think of how cathartic it could be. Just think of howmany problems it would obliterate. Just think of the jobs itwould create. Just thmk . . . how simple, and how safe, theworld might be.PATRICIA J. WILLIAMS*BUSH, BACKSLIDThe N.R.A.’s so fevered rn rts talkThat Bush the Elder sard he’d take a walk.Retired now, thrs Bush no longer needsTo cultivate fhe noxrous wacko weeds.Could this decrslon be the first small signThat Bush, now that he needn’t toe the he,WrIl be the Bush before his quo pro qwd-When he thought voodoo was as voodoo drd?WIN he become, whrle former foes rejoice,A man of rnoderairon-and pro-choice?Calvin Triflrn

June 5.1995 The Nation. 783MINORITY REPORT.CHRISTOPHER HITCHENSReflections on Vzolence-to annex Sorel’s seductive tains the all-purpose word “healing,” and that it was foundtitle-are sometimes just reflections on violence. either by a computer search or by a resort to Bartlett or Web-Lazy people, when impelled to profundity about ster. I can be sure of this because I received a call myself, aactual violence, have a tendency to quote from few days later, asking me to locate the lines “things fall apart,William Butler Yeats. There is probably a good subconsciousreason for this. In one of the few faultless sonnets ever written,Yeats did say:I balanced all, brought all to mind,The years to come seemed waste of breath,A waste of breath the years behlndIn balance wlth thls life, thls death.Yet the ironic, melancholy stanzas of “An Irlsh Airman”are nothe lines preferred by enthusiasts in time of crisis. Moreavailable, and purchased at a cheaper price, are certain linesfrom “The Second Coming” and from “Easter, 1916,” whereYeats appears to be elther more prescient or more promiscuous.Thus in the national spin dryer, which whirls quotationsaround and around, one is as likely to hear people absentlysaying “what rough beast?” as “a terrible beauty is born” or“things fall apart” or “the center cannot hold.”In the days after the Oklahoma City atrocity, a rich choiceof bad Yeats was on offer. George Will, that great pseudointellectualof the right, employed the poet to deny any connectionbetween reactionary rhetoric and reactionary violence.Citing the following lines as composed by Yeats “when hewrote this about the civil war in Ireland,” Will borrowedas follows:Dld that play of mine send outCertaln men the English shot?Dld words of mine put too great strainOn that woman’s reeling brain?Could my spoken words have checkedThat whereby a house lay wrecked?Good questions, in their way, and conscientious questionseven if asked by Yeats not about “the civil war in Ireland” butabout the rising against British Imperialism in the previousdecade. With this limp grasp on history and poetry, Will hadno difficulty in blaming Oklahoma City on John Brown andother heroes of a revolutionary past he is glad he missed.And then the President chimed in, or perhaps his poetryconsultants did. Searching for a sign-off to his insufferablypious speech at the White House Correspondents’ Association,Clinton dragged this off the auto-cue in the husky mannerto which we have grown accustomed:In the deserts of the heartLet the healing fountam start,In the prison of hls daysTeach the free man how to pralseThat is the peroration of Auden’s farewell to Yeats. (“W.H.Auden’s poem about Yeats,” as The New Yorker phrased It,before going on to say pathetically that “It’s not every Presidentwho can quote Auden and make you think he might haveactually heard of him.” Depends how gullible the “YOU”is, doesn’t it, buster?) Actually, it’s a moral certainty that thepoem was handed to Clinton merely because its last verse con-the center cannot hold.” I was able to furnish the relevantclichCs to the blameless office of George Stephanopoulos,who later told me that he needed them for the Hellenic-American Bankers’ Association. I wish I’d been at the dmner,because then I could have emphasized the later lines:The best lack all convlction, whde the worstAre full of passlonate Intensity.If Yeats had written nothing else he would deserve to beimmortal for that observation alone. A very double-edged observation,too, because, as The New Yorker’s sycophants hadnot bothered to establish, Yeats spent his poetic and politicalIf \ life oscillating between populismand fascism. He supported theDublin workers in the great strikeof 1913, and he gave a verse formto the inchoate mix of nationaland popular feeling that issummarized in the title “Easter,1916” and that comminglesChristian, Gaelic and insurgentemotions. But he also welcomedthe rise of Mussollni, approvedof the cruelty with which thevictors of the Irish civil war putdown the Republicans, yearned for a despotism of the richelite and offered his literary services to the “Blue Shirt” rnovementthat was the Irish contribution to fascism and that,under the grotesque leadership of General O’Duffy, sent Irishvolunteers to fight in Spain on Franco’s side. The entire pointof Auden’s valediction to Yeats was to assert, with great aestheticgenerosity, that a dangerous man like Yeats could stillbe an imperishable poet:Tlme with which thls strange excusePardons Klpllng and hls viewsAnd will pardon Paul Claude1Pardon him for writing well.Time, as Auden so beautifully put it, “worships languageand forgives/everyone by whom It lives.” If this were not so,Yeats’s reflections on courage and violence would not haveto be handled like plutonium; would not need to be employedcarefully and in some context; would not still have the powerto stir people who are as unquallfled as George Will or B~llClinton to mangle a quotation. So afrald was Yeats of theconsequences of his poem on the Easter Rising that he didn’tpublish it until 1920 (in a special issue of our sister weeklyThe New Statesman, devoted to a protest against the dirtywar in Ireland). He may have overestimated the power ofwords, but not in the clumsy way of those who, even now, lookat populism and fascism and claim to see-to the benefitof the fascists, not the popullsts-no difference worth fightingabout.

784 The Nation. June 5, 1995SUBJECT TO DEBATE.Iwas feeling pretty burned up at the government theother day, so I loaded a truck full of marijuana andparked it in front of my local federal office building,waited for the parents to drop off their toddlers at thedaycare center and got the heck out of there as fast as I could.Do you know what happened? Nothing! Once again, it appearsthat I had been misled by media pundits, who in thewake of the Oklahoma City bombing have rushed to blamethe nineties right on the sixties left. “An Unlikely Legacy ofthe 60s: The Violent Right,” a New York Times front-pagerumination by Peter Applebome, quoted assorted academicson the “libertarian strain” connecting Vietnam-era hippiesand peaceniks with today’s bandoliered milltiamen. “To the60s left it might have meant the right to smoke pot, while tothe 90s right it might mean the right to own guns, but the instinctis similar.”Oh, really? My own pot-smoking Instinct, albeit not a drivingpasslon, has never raised in me the slightest urge to owna gun. This equation of left and right is political science atthe high school honor-code level, in whlch all infractionsare treated as more or less equallygrave, regardless of intent orconsequence or scale, because thereal Infraction is rule-breakingitself. “What happened in the1960s was that the governmentwas successfully ‘delegitimated,’” the sociologist Gerald Marwellsaid to the Times. “We weretold in the 1960s that the emper-or has no clothes and peopleshouldn’t accept what they’retold.” I like that “we were told,”as tf nothing actually happened in the stxties except massbramwashing from some unspecified source-Country Joeand the Fish? The way I remember it, the government delegitimateditself, with phony body counts, lights at the end ofever-lengthening tunnels, destroying villages in order tosave them, children in flames on the evening news and soon-not to speak of the F.B.I. harassment of Martin LutherKing Jr. and sundry other semi-cnmlnal domestic activltles.Doesn’t the question of whether people should “accept whatthey’re told” depend on what’s being said? Resistlng an unjustwar that even Robert McNamara has finally publlcly admittedwas misconceived and deceptively presented doesn’t strike meas bearing a close resemblance to organizmg a private armyof fellow gun nuts to fight the Anttchrist and Its earthly rep-resentatives in the Clinton Administratlon and the Britishroyal family.Timothy McVeigh is not some libertarian free splrit goneastray. He felt at home in the Army, hardly a counterculturaloutpost, and wanted to be a career soldier; he won medals forhis Gulf War service, In whlch his main task was to bury Iraqisoldiers alive. If we’re serlously interested In understandinghow a young man could blow up a building full of hundredsKATHA POLLITTof people, why not start by acknowledging that the state henow claims to oppose gave him his first lessons in killing?When it comes to understanding American history, thosein charge of Its official version are like Hera, who renewedher virgmity each year by bathing in a magic spring. Becausethey are committed to a vision of America as forever young,Innocent, fresh off the farm in what politicians and editorialwriters love, repellently, to call the “heartland,” the existenceIn our economic and cultural structures of conflict, alienationand violence-both freelance and organized-comes as a perpetualsurprise. But why reach for the left to explain the farright? The far rtght’s been around forever. It has quite a historyof its own. Why not talk, for example, about the Ku KluxKlan-a violent, white supremacist, paramilitary anti-federalgovernmentorganlzation that’s been murdering innocentpeople for more than a hundred years? As for the personalantiauthoritarianism exemplified by the sixties pot-smokers,the obvlous historical analogy is Prohibition, another unrealisticlegal interference with private pleasure that was openlymocked and flouted by millions of otherwise solid citizens.Indeed, one could argue that the “libertarian strain” ofAmerican culture would not exist without the Puritan strain,for which we are equally famous.I’m still waiting for someone besides Frank Rich and thismagazine to point out that the Oklahoma City bombing,which seemed so out of key with American values that Islamicterrorists were immediately blamed for it, in actual fact colncideswith an ongoing wave of home-grown violence againstabortion clinlcs: bombings, arson, death threats, murders. Noreal political will has been applied to combating thisoutrage-“Christian terrorism”?-or to probing its possibleconnectlon with the far-right milittas. Curiously, the F.B.I.,which has dragged its feet on clinic violence, nonetheless,according to documents released May 15 by the Center forConstitutional Rights, has been closely following the doingsof ACT UP and other AIDS and gay groups. The bureauclaims It was worried that activists would throw AIDS-infectedblood at people.Now that’s paranoid!***Family Values Watch. “But [Pete] Wilson does have ‘corevalues,’ and they can be summarized in one word: fatherhood.Only fathers, he says, can fully teach old veritiesorder,hard work, self-dlscipllne-that wlll save America. Hehas convened a ‘Fathers Summit’ to ‘address the crisis of absentfathers that is unraveling the very fabric of our society.’Ironically, Wilson’s own experience at fatherhood is limited.He has been married twlce, to women with teenage childrenfrom first marriages.”-Newsweek, May 22.How come those whose abandonment of chlldren is supposedlyunravelmg soctety are the ones held to be solely quallfiedto teach traditional morality? If you’re looking for instructlonin self-sacrifice, hard work, deferred gratification,why not go to the people who actually practice them-singlemothers?

June 5, 1995 The Nation. 785ARTICLES.LESSONS FROM THE LUDDITESSetting LimitsOn TechnologyKIRKPATRICK SALEAs Newt Gingrich has assured us, and as our owndaily experience has convinced us, we in the industrialworld are In the middle of a social and politicalrevolutlon that 1s almost wlthout parallel.Call it “third wave” capltalism, or “postmodern,” or “multi-national,” or whatever; this transformat~on is, without anyonebeing prepared for it, overwhelmlng the communities andinstitutions and customs that once were the familiar stanchionsof our lives. As Newsweek recently said, in a special issue thatactually seemed to be celebrating it, this revolution 1s “outstrippingour capacity to cope, antiquating our laws, transformingour mores, reshuffling our economy, reordering our priorities,redeflning our workplaces, putting our Constitution to thefire, shifting our concept of reality.’’No wonder there are some people who are Just Saying No.They have a great variety of stances and tactics, but thetechnophobes and techno-resisters out there are increasinglycoming together under the banner that dates to those attackersof technology of two centuries ago, the Luddites. In thepast decade or so they have dared to speak up, to criticize thisface of high technology or that, to organize and march andsue and write and propound, and to challenge the consequencesas well as the assumptions of thls second IndustrialRevolution, just as the Luddites challenged the fmt. Someare even using similar strategies of sabotage and violence tomake their pomt.These neo-Luddltes are more numerous today than onemight assume, techno-pessimists without the power and accessof the techno-optimists but still with a not-lnslgnificant voice,shelves of books and documents and reports, and increasingnumbers of followers-maybe a quarter of the adult population,according to a Newsweek survey. They are to be foundon the radical and dlrect-action side of envlronmentalism,particularly in the American West; they are on the dlssentingedges of academlc economics and ecology departments, generallyof the no-growth school; they are everywhere In IndianCountry throughout the Americas, representlng a traditionalbiocentrlsm against the anthropocentric norm; they are activistsfightmg against nuclear power, lrradlated food, clearcutting,animal expenrnents, toxic waste and the killing ofwhales, among the many aspects of the high-tech onslaught.They may also number-certainly they speak for-some ofKrrkpatrrck Sale, a Natlon contrrbutrng edrtor, is the authormost recentIy ofRebels Against the Future: The Luddites and’ Their War on the Industrlal Revolution: Lessons for the MachineAge (Addkon- Waley), from whlch thls arttcle IS udapted.those whose experience with modern technology has in oneway or another awakened them from what Lewis Mumfordcalled “the myth of the machine.” These would include thoseseveral million people in all the industrial nations whose jobshave simply been automated out from under them or havebeen sent overseas as part of the multinationals’ global network,itself built on high-tech communications. They wouldinclude the many millions who have suffered from some exposure,officially sanctioned, to pollutants and poisons, medlcinesand chemicals, and live with the terrible results. Theyinclude some whose faith in the technological dream has beenshattered by the recent evidence of industrial fragility anderror-Bhopal, Chernobyl, Love Canal, PCBs, Exxon Valdez,ozone holes-that is the stuff of daily headlines. Andthey may include, too, quite a number of those whose experiencewith high technology in the home or office has leftthem confused or demeaned, or frustrated by machines toocomplex to understand, much less to repair, or assaulted andangered by systems that deftly invade their privacy or denythem credit or turn them into ciphers.Techno-resisters couldfind theirmost useful analogues, if not theirmodels, in the Luddites.Wherever the neo-Luddites may be found, they are attemptingto bear witness to the secret little truth that lies at the heartof the modern experience: Whatever its presumed benefits,of speed or ease or power or wealth, industrial technologycomes at a price, and in the contemporary world that priceis ever rising and ever threatening. Indeed, inasmuch as industrialismis inevitably and inherently disregardful of the collectivehuman fate and of the earth from which it extracts allits wealth-these are, after all, in capltalist theory “externalities”-itseems ever more certain to end in paroxysms of economicinequity and social upheaval, if not in the degradationand exhaustion of the biosphere itself.From a long study of the original Luddites, I have concludedthat there is much in their experience that can be importantfor the neo-Luddites today to understand, as distant andas different as their times were from ours. Because just as thesecond Industrial Revolution has its roots quite specificallyin the first-the machines may change, but their rnachinenessdoes not-so those today who are moved in some measure toreslst {or who even hope to reverse) the tide of industrialismmight find their most useful analogues, if not their modelsexactly, in those Luddites of the nineteenth century.And as I see it, there are seven lessons that one might, withthe focused lens of hutory, take from the Luddite past.1. Technologies are never neutral, and some are hurtful. Itwas not all machmery that the Luddites opposed, but “all Machineryhurtful to Commonality,” as a March 1812 letter to

786 The Nation. June 5.1995a hated manufacturer put it-machinery to which their commonalitydid not give approval, over which it had no control,and the use of which was detrimental to its interests, consideredeither as a body of workers or a body of families andneighbors and citizens.What was true of the technology of industrialism at the beginning,when the apologist Andrew Ure praised a new machinethat replaced high-paid workmen-“This invention confirmsthe great doctrine already propounded, that when capital enlistsscience in her service, the refractory hand of labour will alwaysbe taught docility”-is as true today, when a reporter for Automationcould praise a computer system because it assuresthat “decision-making” is “removed from the operator . . .[and] gives maximum control of the machine to management.”These are not accidental, ancillary attributes of themachines that are chosen; they are intrinsic and ineluctable.Tools come with a prior history built m, expressing the valuesof a particular culture. A conquering, violent culture-ofwhich Western civilization is a prime example, with the UnitedStates at its extreme-is bound to produce conquering, violenttools. When U.S. industrialism turned to agricultureafter World War 11, for example, it went at it with all that ithad just learned on the battlefield, using tractors modeled onwartime tanks to cut up vast fields, crop-dusters modeled onwartime planes to spray poisons, and pesticides and herbicidesdeveloped from wartime chemical weapons and defohants todestroy unwanted species. It was a war on the land, sweepingand sophisticated as modern mechanization can be, capableof depleting topsoil at the rate of 3 billion tons a year andwater at the rate of 10 billion gallons a year. It could be noother way: If a nation like this beats its swords into plowshares,they wlll still be violent and deadly tools.2. Industrialism IS always a cataclysmre process, destroyingrhepast, roiling thepresent, muklng the future uncertain.It is in the nature of the industrial ethos to value growth andproduction, speed and novelty, power and manipulation, allof which are bound to cause continuing, rapid and disruptivechanges at all levels to society, and with some regularity,whatever benefits they may bring to a few. And because itscriteria are essentially economic rather than, say, social orcivic, those changes come about without much regard for anybut purely materialist consequences and primarily for the aggrandizementof those few.Whatever material benefits industriahsm may introduce,the familiar evils-incoherent metropolises, spreading slums,crime and prostitution, inflation, corruption, pollution, cancerand heart disease, stress. anomie, alcoholism-almost alwaysfollow. And the consequences may be quite profound indeedas the industrial ethos supplants the customs and habits ofthe past. Helena Norberg-Hodge tells a story of the effectof the transistor radio-the apparently innocent little transistorradio-on the traditional Ladakhi society of northernIndia, where only a short time after its introduction peopleno longer sat around the fields or fires singing communalsongs because they could get the canned stuff from professionalsin the capital.Nor is it only in newly industrialized societies that the tumultuouseffects of an ethos of greed and growth are felt.What economists call “structural change” occurs regularlyin developed nations as well, often creating more social dlsruptionthan individuals can absorb or families and nelghborhoodsand towns and whole industries can defend against.3. “Only apeopleserving an apprenticeship to nature canbe trusted with machines.” This wise maxim of Herbert Read’sis what Wordsworth and the other Romantic poets of the Ludditeera expressed in their own way as they saw the Satanic millsand Stygian forges both imprisonmg and impoverishing textilefamilles and usurping and befouling natural landscapes-“such outrage done to nature as compels the indignantpower . . . to avenge her violated rights,” as Wordsworth said.What happens when an economy is not embedded in a dueregard for the natural world, understanding and coping withthe full range of its consequences to species and their ecosystems,is not only that it wreaks its harm throughout thebiosphere in indiscriminate and ultimately unsustainableways, though that is bad enough. It also loses its sense of thehuman as a species and the individual as an animal, needingcertain basic physical elements for successful survival, includingland and air, decent food and shelter, intact communitiesand nurturing families, without which it will perish as miserablyas a fish out of water, a wolf in a trap. An economywithout any kind of ecological grounding will be as disregardfuIof the human members as of the nonhuman, and its socialas well as economic forms-factories. tenements, cities,hierarchies-will reflect that.The industrial regime has alwayshad the power of the dominantnation-states behind it.4. The natron-state .yvnetg,strcally mtertwrned mth mdustrialum,will always come to its ard and defense, rnaklng revoltfutile and reform rneffectual. When the British governmentdispatched some 14,000 soldiers to put down the uprising ofthe Luddites in 1811 and 1812-a force seven times as large asany ever sent to maintain peace in England-it was sending asharp signal of its inevitable alliance with the forces of the newindustrialism. And it was not above cementing that alliance,despite all its talk of the rights of free Englishmen, with spiesand informers, midnight raids, illegal arrests, overzealousmagistrates and rigged trials, in aid of making the populaceinto a docile work force. That more than anything else establishedwhat a “laissez-faire” economy would mean-repressionwould be used by the state to insure that manufacturerswould be free to do what they wished, especially with labor.Since then, of course, the industrial regime has only gottenstronger, proving itself the most efficient and potent systemfor material aggrandizement the world has ever known, andall the while it has had the power of the dominant nation-statesbehind it, extending it to every corner of the earth and defendingit once there. It doesn’t matter that the states have quarreledand contended for these corners, or that in recent decades nativestates have wrested nominal political control from colomzingones, for the industrial regime hardly cares which cadres

June 5, 199.5 The Nation. 787run the state as long as they understand the kinds of dutiesexpected of them. It is remarkably protean in that way, forit can accommodate itself to almost any national system-Marxist Russia, capitalist Japan, China under a vicious dictator,Singapore under a benevolent one, messy and riven India,tidy and cohesive Norway, Jewish Israel, Muslim Egypt-andin return asks only that its priorities dominate, its marketsrule, its values penetrate and its interests be defended, with14,000 troops if necessary, or even an entire Desert Storm. Notone fully industrialized nation in the world has had a successfulrebellion against it, which says something telling about theunion of industrialism and the nation-state. In fact, the onlyplaces where a popular national rebellion has succeeded inthe past two centuries have been in pre-industrial lands wherethe nation-state emerged to pave the way for the introductionof industrialism, whether in the authoritarian (Russia, Cuba,etc.) or the nationalistic (India, Kenya, etc.) mold.5. But resistance to the industrial syslem, based on somegrasp of moralprinclples and rooted In some sense of moralrevulsion, IS not onlyposslble but necessary. It is true that ina general sense the Luddites were not successful either in theshort-run aim of haIting the detestable machinery or in thelong-run task of stopping the Industrial Revolution and itsmultiple miseries; but that hardly matters in the retrospect ofhistory, for what they are remembered for is that they resrsled,not that they won. Some may call it foolish resistance (“blind”and “senseless” are the usual adjectives), but it was dramatic,forceful, honorable and authentic enough to have put theLuddites’ issues forever on record and made the Luddites’name as indelibly a part of the language as the Puritans’.What remains then, after so many of the detaiIs fade, is thesense of Luddism as a moral challenge, “a sort of moral earthquake,”as Charlotte Bronte saw it in Shlrley-the acting outof a genuinely felt perception of right and wrong that wentdown deep in the Engllsh soul. Such a challenge is mountedagainst large enemies and powerful forces not because there ISany certainty of triumph but because somewhere in the blood,in the place inside where paln and fear and anger Intersect,one is finally moved to refusal and defiance: “No more.”t ””’!------iThe ways of resisting the industrial monoculture can be asmyriad as the machines against which they are aimed and asvaried as the individuals carrying them out, as the many neo-Luddite manifestations around the world make clear. Somedegree of withdrawal and detachment has also taken place, notalone among neo-hddites, and there is a substantial “counterculture”of those who have taken to living simply, workingin community, going back to the land, developing alternativetechnologies, dropping out or in general trying to create a lifethat does not do violence to their ethical principles.The most successful and evident models for withdrawal today,however, are not individual but collective, most notably,at least in the United States, the Old Order Amish communitiesfrom Pennsylvania to Iowa and the traditional Indiancommunities found on many reservations across the country.For more than three centuries now the Amish have withdrawnto islands mostly impervious to the industrial culture, and verysuccessfully, too, as their lush fields, busy villages, neat farmsteads,fertile groves and gardens, and general lack of crime,poverty, anomie and alienation attest. In Indian country, too,where (despite the casino lure) the traditional customs andllfeways have remained more or less intact for centuries, a majorityhave always chosen to turn their backs on the industrialworld and most of its attendant technologies, and they havebeen joined by a younger generation reasserting and in somecases revivifying those ancient tribal cultures. There couldhardly be two systems more antithetical to the industrial-theyare, for example, stable, communal, spiritual, participatory,oral, slow, cooperative, decentralized, animistic and biocentric-butthe fact that such tribal societies have survived forso many eons, not just in North America but on every othercontinent as well, suggests that there is a cohesion and strengthto them that is certainly more durable and likely more harmoniousthan anything industrialism has so far achieved.6. Polihcally, resistance to industrialism must force the viabilityof industrid socrety into publicolzFciouTnesT and debate.If in the long run the primary success of the Luddite revoltwas that it put what was called “the machine question” beforethe British public during the first half of the nineteenth

788 The Nation. June 5,1995century-and then by reputation kept it alive right into thetwentieth-it could also be said that its failure was that it didnot spark a true debate on that issue or even put forth theterms in which such a debate might be waged. That was a fadurefor which the Luddites of course cannot be blamed, sinceit was never part of their perceived mission to make their grievancea matter of debate, and indeed they chose machinebreakingexactly to push the issue beyond debate. But becauseof that failure, and the inability of subsequent critics of technologyto penetrate the complacency of its beneficiaries andtheir chosen theorists, or to successfully call its values intoquestion, the principles and goals of industrialism, to saynothing of the machines that embody them, have pretty muchgone unchallenged in the public arena. Industrial civilizationis today the water we swim in, and we seem almost as incapableof imagining what an alternative might look like, or evenrealizing that an alternative could exist, as fish in the ocean.The political task of “resistance” today, then-beyond the“quiet acts” of personal withdrawal Mumford urged-is totry to make the culture of industrialism and its assumptionsless invisible and to put the issue of its technology on the politicalagenda, in industrial societies as well as their imitators. Inthe words of Neil Postman, a professor of communications atNew York University and author of Technopoly, “it is necessaryfor a great debate” to place take in industrial society between“technology and everybody else” around all the issuesof the “uncontrolled growth of technology” in recent decades.This means laying out as clearly and as fully as possible thecosts and consequences of our technologies, in the near termand long, so that even those overwhelmed by the ease/comfort/speedipower of high-tech gadgetry (what Mumford calledtechnical “bribery”) are forced to understand at what priceit all comes and who is paying for it. What purpose does thismachine serve? What problem has become so great that itneeds this solution? Is this invention nothing but, as Thoreauput it, an improved means to an unimproved end? It also meansforcing some awareness of who the principal beneficiaries ofthe new technology are-they tend to be the large, bureaucratic,complex and secretive organizations of the industrialworld-and trying to make public all the undemocratic waysthey make the technological choices that so affect all the restof us. Who are the winners, who the losers? Will this inventionconcentrate or disperse power, encourage or dlscourageNow you can rent or buy videos by mail of over 2,600 hard-tofindquality films, Including Betty Blue; Eat Drink Man Woman;Ju Dou; Queen Margot; La Belle Noisuese; The Decameron;The Blue Kite; The Wonderful, Hom‘ble Life of Leni Riefenstahl;Biue and White; Zero Patience; and 31 trtles by Ingmar BeqmanOur collection includes foreign films,limited releases, indies, docs, class~cs.It’s simple and Inexpensive. Rogert3Ebert recommends Home Fllm FestivalHome as an Idea whose time has come.”Film Festival” Phone or write for free lnformatlon andP o BOX 2032, kranton. PA 18501 list of films: 1-800-258-3456.self-worth? Can society at large afford it? Can the biosphere?7. Phrlosophically, resistance to industrialism must be embeddedin an analysrs-an rdeology, perhaps-that IS morallyinformed, carefully artrculated and wrdely shared. Oneof the failures of Luddism (if at first perhaps one of itsstrengths) was its formlessness, its unintentionality, its indistinctnessabout goals, desires, possibilities. If it is to be anythingmore than sporadlc and martyristic, resistance couldlearn from the Luddite experience at least how important itis to work out some common analysis that is morally clearabout the problematic present and the desirable future, andthe common strategies that stem from it.All the elements of such an analysis, it seems to me, are inexistence, scattered and still needing refinement, perhaps, butthere: in Mumford and E.F. Schumacher (SmallIsBeautIful)and Wendell Berry (The Unsettlmg of America) and Jerry Mander(In the Absence of the Sacred) and the Chellis Glendinningmanifesto (UtneReader, March/April 1990); In the writing ofthe Earth Flrst!ers and the bioregionalists and deep ecologists;in the lessons and models of the Amish and the Iroquois; inthe wlsdom of tribal elders and the legacy of tribal experienceeverywhere; in the work of the long line of dlssenters-fromprogressand naysayers-to-technology. I think we mlght evenbe able to identify some essentials of that analysis, such as:IndustnulBm, the ethos encapsulatlng the values and technologiesof Western civilizatlon, is seriously endangering stablesocial and environmental existence on thls planet, to whichmust be opposed the values and techmques of an organic ethosthat seeks to preserve the Integrity, stability and harmony ofthe biotic communlties, and the human community within it.Anthropocentrrsrn, and its expression in both humanismand monotheism, is the ruling principle of that civilization.to which must be opposed the principle of blocentrism andthe spiritual identificatlon of the human with all living speciesand systems.Globulism, and its economic and military expression, is theguiding strategy of that civilization, to which must be opposedthe strategy of localism, based upon the empowerment of thecoherent bioreglon and the small community.Industrralcap1talwn, as an economy built upon the exploitationand degradation of the earth, 1s the productive and distributiveenterprise of that civilization, to whlch must be opposedthe practices of an ecologlcal and sustainable economy builtupon accommodation and commitment to the earth and followingprinciples of conservation, stabdity. self-sufficiencyand cooperatlon.A movement of resistance starting with Just those principlesas the sinews of its analysis would at least have a firm and uncompromisingground on which to stand and a clear and inspirationalvision of where to go. If nothmg else, it would beable to live up to the task that George Grant, the Canadianphilosopher, has set this way: “The darkness which envelopsthe western world because of Its long dedication to the overcomingof chance”-by which he means the triumph of thescientific mind and its industrlal constructs-“is just a fact.The Job of thought at our time is to bring into the light thatdarkness as darkness.” And at its best, It might bring into thelight the dawn that is the alternative. 0

THE SIXTH ANNUALNATION/I.E STONE AWARDFOR STUDENT JOURNALISMENTRY DEADLINE: JUNE 29,1995PURPOSE: The Nation Institute/I.F. Stone Award recognizes excellence in student journalism. EntriesshouId exhibit the uniquely independent journalistic tradition of I.F. Stone. A self-described ”JeffersonianMarxist,” Stone combined progressive politics, investigative zeal and a compulsion to tell the truth witha commitment to human rights and the exposure of injustice. As Washington editor of The Nation magazineand founder of the legendary Z.F. Stone’s Weekly, he specialized in publishing information ignored bythe mainstream media (which he often found in The Congressional Record and other public documentsoverlooked by the big-circulation dailies).ELIGIBILITY: The contest is open to all undergraduate students enrolled in a U.S. college. Articles maybe submitted by the writers themselves or nominated by editors of student publications or faculty members.While entries originally published in student publications are preferred, all articles will be consideredprovided they were not written as part of a student’s regular course work.THE PRIZE: The article that, in the opinion of the judges, represents the most outstanding example ofstudent journalism in the tradition of I.F. Stone will be published in a fall issue of The Nation. The winnerwill receive a cash award of $1000. The Nation reserves the right to edit the winning article to conformto the space limitations of the magazine. Announcement of the winning article will be made in The Nationin the fall of 1995.DEADLINE: All entries must be postmarked by June 29, 1995.ENTRY RULES:All entnes must have been written or publlshed between June 30, 1994, and June 29, 1995 Please send 2 photocoples.Each wnter, editor of a student publlcatlon or faculty member may submit up to three separate entnes. A senes of related artlcleswill be considered as a single entry. Investlgative articles are particularly encouraged. There are no restrlctlons as to scope, contentor length.Accompanymg material In support of entries is not requlred, but entrants are encouraged to submlt a cover letter explalningthe context of the submltted story, along wlth a brief blographlcal note about the author. Elaborate presentations are neitherrequired nor deslred. Entrles will not be returned.Judges reserve the right to authentlcate, accept or disallow entries at thew discretlon. The declslon of the ~udges IS fmalAll entrles must include the writer‘s school, home address and telephone numberALL ENTRIES SHOULD BE SENT T O:NATION/STONE AWARD, C/O THE NATION INSTITUTE, 72 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, NY 10011FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, PLEASE CALL (212) 463-9270A PROJECT OF THE NATION INSTITUTE

= FLYING FOR D.N.C. DOLLARSRon Brom’sV.I.P. JunketsKEN SILVERSTEINT interest as with fealty790 The Nation. June 5,1995he cries of outrage coming from the White Houseover Republican threats to eliminate the CommerceDepartment have at least as much to do with self-to the corporate cause. Throughthe department’s efforts to promote exports, the Clintonitesargue, American busmesses landed foreign deals worth$47 billion last year. But a little cross-referencing of the companlesthus helped and of campaign contribution records andinternal Democratic Party fundraising memorandumshowsthat for both corporations and the Administration, to give istruly to receive.Early last year, for example, Saudi Arabia was looking toexpand its commercial air fleet and examined proposals fromU.S. and European aircraft makers. After being furiously lobbiedby President Clinton and Secretary Ron Brown, the Saudisplaced a $3.6 billion order with Boeing. Within six monthsof closing the deal, the company had laden Democratic Na-tional Committee (D.N.C.) coffers with $65,000, four timesmore than it had donated during the previous three years.At about the same time, Administration pressure won Raytheona $1.4 billion deal with Brazil for building a satelllte surveillancesystem in the Amazon. In the 1992-94 election cycle,Raytheon donated $175,110 to Democratic candidates.Export promotion-precisely what the Republicans havesingled out for cutting-is at the heart of Brown’s strategyat Commerce, and indeed of Clinton’s strategy in foreign pol-ICY. When It comes to drumming up commerce for U.S. corporations,this Administration has outstripped its two wildlypro-business Republican predecessors. In Brown’s “war room,”bureaucrats monitor bidding on dozens of global deals, gatheringintelllgence (with help from the C.I.A.) and coordinatingfinancing from government sources to give U.S. firms an insidetrack. More directly, Brown leads select groups of executiveson commercial trips abroad. Last year corporationsfought to accompany the Commerce Secretary to Brazil, Argentina,Chile, China, Hong Kong, South Africa, Russia,India and the Middle East. Some 300 C.E.0.s applied for seatson the trip to Russia alone; only twenty-nine were chosen.Details of those trips have been obscure because Commercehas been stingy about providing information. That will soonchange, since in mid-May the courts forced Commerce to turnover to Judicial Watch 30,000 pages of documents concerningwhich companies were picked, which were left behind andwhat the basis for decision was. But from what I have beenable to plece together from published reports and from vari-ous internal documents (including some now ordered for release),it 1s already clear that the relationship of donationsKen Sdversteern is co-ederror. with Alexander Cockburn, of thebmonthly Washington-based newsletter “CounterPunch.”to access is like that of spring rain to garden blooms.Melissa Moss, head of the Commerce Department’s Officeof Business Liaison, decides who accompanies Brown. Shehas said firms “are chosen on merit and real business consideration.”But, like her boss, she is also intimately familiarwith party money matters. Prior to joining the Administration,Moss was a top fundraiser for the D.N.C. under Brown,and before that, for the Democratic Leadership Council,which Clinton helped found and once chaired.The group she assembled for Brown’s September 1994 tripto Beijing is revealing. Embarking three months after Clintonextended most-favored-nation trade status to China,Brown’s entourage included:0 Lodwrick Cook of Atlantic Richfield, which gave $201,500to the Democrats between 1992 and 1994. Cook is also closeto Clinton, who last June presented the Arco chief with abirthday cake during a White House lunch for executives.you don’t have to be a Democraticcontributor tofly with RonBrown-but it sure helps.0 Edwin Lupberger of Entergy, who closed an $800 milliondeal to build a power plant in China. Lupberger is a personalfriend of Clinton, and in the last election cycle Entergy donated$60,000 to Democratic candidates.0 Bernard Schwartz of the bra1 Corporation, who negotiateddeals that will net his telecommunications company$1 billion over the next decade. Three months before the tripSchwartz donated $lOO,OOO to the D.N.C.0 Raymond Smith of Bell Atlantic, which has glven nearly$200,000 to the Democrats since 1991. According to Democraticfundraising memos I obtained, Smith 1s also a party“trustee,” meaning he has personally helped raise $lOO,OOOor more.0 Leslie McGraw of Fluor, which came through with$108,450 for Democratic candidates in the last election.McGraw, like several of the executives who have been pickedto accompany Brown, is also a donor and board member ofthe Democratic Leadership Council.All told, at least twelve of the twenty-five firms whose officialsmade the trip to China are major donors or fundraisersfor the President’s party. Those companies gave almost $2 millionto Democratic candidates during the last election cycle.“I only believe in coincldences occasionally,” says ChuckLewis, head of the Center for Public Integrity. “Here you seeconsistent patterns.’’It’s the same with Brown’s other trips. Traveling with theCommerce Secretary to South Africa were Donald Anderson,an adviser to the president of Time Warner, which donated$508,333 to the Democrats between 1992 and 1994, and RonaldBurkle, C.E.O. of the Yucaipa Group and a “managingtrustee’’ of the D.N.C. The title designates him as havinghelped the party raise $200,000 or more.Even some of the smaller businesses that have had access

June 5, 1995 The Nation. 791to Brown’s expeditions have paid their dues in advance. RobinBrooks, director of the Brooks Sausage Company out ofKenosha, Wisconsin, got to go to South Africa. 1992 In sheorganized a fundraiser for Clinton, and in the last electioncycle, her firm gave $23,000 to the Democrats.The currency of influence is not limited to cash. For instance,the chances that a U.S. firm seeking business in Russiawill receive official support seem to grow in direct proportionto that company’s links to Democratic power broker RobertStrauss. A senior partner at the law firm Akin, Gump, Strauss,Hauer & Feld-where his colleagues include Vernon Jordan,President Clinton’s friend and golfing partner-Strauss servedas U.S. Ambassador to Russia from 1991 to 1992. lbo yearsago he set up the US.-Russia Business Council, which has receivedgovernment funds to promote commerce between thetwo countries.At least eight of the twenty-nine companies that were invitedto go Russia to are linked to Strauss and his firm. AT&T,Westinghouse, Dresser Industries (a Dallas-based oil equipmentcompany) and Enron (a Houston-based natural gas conglomerate)are all Akin, Gump clients. Litton Industries andGeneral Electric have representatives on the board of the US.-Russia Business Council. Rockwell International and Bristol-Myers Squibb are former clients of Strauss.Several of those companies are also major contributorsto the Democrats. AT&T alone gave the party’s candidates$765,763 over the past two years. Among high-donor companiesrepresented on the Russia trip were Occidental Petroleum($152,549 over the same period) and US West ($147,667).US West signed a telecommunications agreement while inRussia that will be backed by a $125 million loan guaranteefrom the U.S. government’s Overseas Private Investment Corporation.OPIC is headed by Ruth Harkin, wife of SenatorTom Harkin and, prior to joining the Administration, a topcorporate lawyer at Akin, Gump.Enron, which closed a deal, backed by the U.S. Export-Import Bank, to develop European markets for Russian gas,has been one of the biggest beneficiaries of the Administration’sexport policy. During the past two years the Ex-Im Bankhas supported Enron’s agreements with Turkey, India, thePhilippines and China-deals worth nearly $4 billion. KennethBrody, head of the Ex-Im Bank, is a close friend of TreasurySecretary Robert Rubin, having worked with Rubin atGoldman, Sachs. Enron is listed on Rubin’s 1993 financialdisclosure statement as one of forty-four companies withwhich Rubin had “agnificant contact” during his years at theinvestment firm. (Brody, by the way, is said to be a leadingcandidate to take over at Commerce If Brown, under mvestigationfor everything from slumlording to collecting $400,000for his “share” in a company in which he had invested nothing,is forced to resign.)Like Boeing, many companies have larded the Democratsafter being helped by the Administration on the export front.Westinghouse executives have traveled with Brown to SouthAmerica, Russia and China, where the company racked up$430 million in sales. It also received Ex-Im backing for a$300 million plan to complete and upgrade the Temelin nudearpower plant in the Czech Republic. (When that deal wasoriginally hatched in 1993, Warren Hollinshead, Westing-How ”Natives” Think0About Captain Cook, For ExampleMarshall Sahlins“How*Natives’ Think IS afierce, passionate, wtty andlearned polemic. Sahllns‘sdebate Lnth Obeyesekere‘sThe Apotheosrs of CaptainCook is an Indispensablecontemporary guide to howanthropologlsts thmk. Moreprecaely, Sahlins forcefullyartlculates his pos~t~on ~n amalor and hlghly slgnihcantargument about hatoryand cultural dlfference, anargument wlth powerfulimplications for the entlre held of cultural studies."”Stephen Greenblatt, Unlverslty of Califomla, BerkeleyCloth $94.95 347 pages illus-Available at bookstores,The University of Chicago Press5801 South Elhs Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637

792 The Nation. June 5, 1995house’s chief financial officer, chaired the Ex-Im Bank’s nonvotingprivate advisory committee.) Westinghouse has traditionallyfavored the G.O.P. for political contributions, butduring the last election cycle the company gave $149,350 tothe Democrats, compared with $78,825 to the Republicans.Given these kinds of disparities, it’s no wonder some Republicansare now talking about shutting down Ron Brown’sexport-boosting operation. It would be surprising if theymoved very far on that front, though, since their bread is but-tered on the same side as Brown’s. As James Treyblg, who negotiateda $100 million Joint venture agreement for TandemComputers while in China with the Commerce Secretary, toldThe Wall Street Journal, “Whether you’re a Democrat or aRepublican, you really have to respect this guy for what he’sdone for Corporate America.’’ 0= GUATEMALA ’46In the LairOf the OctopusGORE VIDALIn “Murder as Policy” (April 24), Allan Nairn notes, accurately,that the “real role . . . of all U.S. ambassadors[to Guatemala] since 1954 [has been] to cover for and,in many ways, facilitate American support for a killerarmy.” Nairn’s report on the capers of one Thomas Stroock,a recent viceroy, is just another horror story in a long sequencewhich it was my . . . privilege? to see begin not in 1954 buteven earlier, in 1946, when, at 20, a first novel just published,I headed south of the border, ending up in Antigua, Guatemala,where I bought a ruined convent for $2,000 (the conventhad been ruined, let me say in all fairness, by earthquake andnot by the Guatemalan military or even by the U.S. embassy).Guatemala was beginnmg to flourish. The old dictator,Ubico, an American client, had been driven out. A philosophyprofessor named Arevalo had been elected president in a freeelection. A democratic socialist or social democrat or whatever,he had brought young people into government, tamedthe army and behaved tactfully with the largest employer inthe country, the American company United Fruit.Easily the most interesting person in-and out-of the townwas Mario Monteforte Toledo. Under 30, he was a thin, energeticintellectual who wrote poetry. He had a wife in the capitaland an Indian girlfriend in Antigua, and when he cameto visit her, he and I would meet and talk, and talk.Mario was President of the Guatemalan Congress and wasregarded by everyone as a future president of the republic. Inpolitlcs he was vaguely socialist. I, of course, reflecting myfamily’s politics, was fiercely Tory. We had splendid rows.Scene: patio of my house. Overhanging it the high wall ofthe adjacent church of El Carmen Under a pepper tree, nearGore Vrdal, a Nation contributing editor, 2s strll at work onPoddy and Midge: Years of Tragedy.an ugly square fountain like a horse trough, we would sit anddrink beer. He told me the gossip. Then, after a ritual denunciationof the rich and the indifferent, Mario started to talkpolitics. “We may not last much longer.”“We . . . who?”“Our government. At some point we’re going to have toraise revenue. The only place where there is any money to beraised is elpulpo.” Elpulpo meant the Octopus, also knownas the United Fruit Company, whose annual revenues weretwice that of the Guatemalan state. Recently workers had goneon strike; selfishly, they had wanted to be paid $1.50 a day fortheir interesting work.“What’s going to stop you from taxing them?” I was naive.This was long ago and the United States had just become theLeader of the Lucky Free World.“Your government. Who else? They kept Ubico in powerall those years. Now they’re getting ready to replace us.”I was astonished. I had known vaguely about our numerouspast interventions in Central America. But that was past. Whyshould we bother now? We controlled most of the world. “Whyshould we care what happens in a small country like this?”Mario gave me a compassionate look-compassion for mystupidity. “Businessmen. Like the owners of United Fruit.They care. They used to pay for our politicians. They stillpay for yours. Why, one of your big senators is on the boardof el pulpo.”I knew something about senators. Which one? Mario wasvague. “He has three names. He’s from Boston, I think. . . .”“Henry Cabot Lodge? I don’t believe it .” Lodge was a familyfnend; as a boy I had discussed poetry with him-he wasa poet’s son. Years later, as Kennedy’s Ambassador to Vietnam,he would preside over the murder of the Diem brothers.As we drank beer and the light faded, Mario described thetrap that a small country like Guatemala was in. I can’t saythat I took him very seriously. With all the world, except thesatanic Soviet Union, under our control it was hardly in ournational interest to overthrow a democratic neighbor, no mat-ter how much its government irritated the board of directorsof United Fruit. But in those days I was not aware to whatextent big business controlled the government of our own rapidlyexpiring Republic. Now, of course, everyone knows towhat extent our subsequent empire, with its militarized economy,controls business. The end result is much the same forthe rest of the world, only the killing fields are more vast thanbefore and we make mischief not Just with weak neighborsbut on every continent.Marlo had given me the idea for a novel. A dictator (likeUbico) returns from an American exile as the Octopus’s candidateto regain power. I would tell the story through theyesof a young American war veteran (like myself) who joins thegeneral out of friendship for his son. The more I brooded onthe story, the more complexities were revealed. Dark Green,Bright Red. The Greens, father and son, were the Company,and dark figures indeed, haunting the green jungles. BrightRed was not only blood but the possibility of a communisttaking power.“No novel about-or from-Latin America has ever beena success in English.’’ As of 1950, my publisher was right.iIIIii!I!I

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794 The Nation. June 5.1995You should be subscribing to ourmagazine, too.Because week In and week outThe Natlon brings you the likes ofGore Vldal, Katha Pollltt and DanielSinger In every issue.They’re not only some of the bestwriters around-they do their best workfor us.The N&on.YES I WANT TO SUBSCRIBE TO YOUR MAGAZINE, TOOSend me 24 Issues of The Natlon for $1395 and save $46 offI the newsstand prlce (Offer good for new subscnbers only)II ‘ITYI My payment IS enclosed0 Please blll me laterI For new subscribers onlySTAT EI Forelgn Surface postage add 59/24 Issues Air Mall Add $2750124 IssuesSubscrlptlons payable In US fundsTHE NATION, P.O. BOX 10791, DES MOINES, IA 50340-0791 5,“rn”IIIIIFour years after the book was published, Senator Lodge denouncedArevalo’s popularly elected successor, Arbenz, as acommunist because, in June 1952, Arevalo had ordered theexpropriation of some of United Fruit’s unused land, whichhe gave to 100,OOO Guatemalan families. Arevalo paid thecompany what he thought was a fair price, their own evaluationof the land for tax purposes. The American Empire wentinto action, and through the C.I.A., it put together an armyand bombed Guatemala City. US. Ambassador John Peurifoybehaved rather like Mr. Green in the novel. Arbenz resigned.Peurifoy wanted the Guatemalan Army’s chief of staff tobecome president, and gave him a list of “communists” tobe shot. The chief of staff declined: “It would be better,” hesaid, “that you actually slt on the presidential chair and thatthe Stars and Stripes fly over the palace.”Peurifoy picked another military man to represent the interestsof company and empire. Since then, Guatemala hasbeen a slaughterground, very bright red indeed against thedarkest Imperial green. Later, it was discovered that Arbenzhad no communist connections, but the “dlsinformation”had been so thorough that few Americans knew to what extentthey had been lied to by a government that had now putitself above law and, rather worse, beyond reason.Incidentally, I note that the disinformation still goes on.In the April New 9 York Tmes (a “recovering” newspaper inrecent years), one Clifford Krauss airily says that Guatemala’sIndians have been regularly screwed for 400 years so what elseis new? He gives a tendentious history of the country-purestLangley boilerplate, circa 1955-but omits the crucial 1931-44dictatorship of Jorge Ubico.1 must say I find it dlsconcertmg to read in 1995 that “bysurrounding himself with Communist Party advisers, acceptingarms from Czechoslovakia and building a port to competewith United Fruit’s faclllties, Arbenz challenged the UnitedStates at the height of the cold war.” God, to think that suchevil ever walked the Central American night! “President Eisenhower’sC.I.A. organized a Guatemalan [SIC] invasion forceand bombed Guatemala City in 1954.” This is worthy of theSultan of Brunei’s perjurer.Dark Green, Brlght Red was just reissued in England. Reviewingit in the Evenrng Standard, the Journalist Patrick SkeneCatling writes, “I wish I had read this prophetic work of flctionbefore my first visit to Guatemala In 1954. Gore Vidalwould have helped me to understand how John Peurifoy . . .was able to take me up to the roof of his embassy towatch . . . the air raids without anxiety, because he and theCIA knew exactly where the bombs were going to fall.”A final note-of bemusement, I suppose. I was at schoolwith Nathaniel Davis, who was our Ambassador in Chile atthe time of Allende’s overthrow. A couple of years later Daviswas Ambassador to Switzerland and we had lunch at theBerne embassy. I expressed outrage at our country’s role inthe matter of Chile. Davis “explained” hrs role. Then heasked, “Do you take the line that the United States shouldnever intervene in the affairs of another country?” I said thatunless an Invasion was belng mounted against us In Mexico,no, we should never Intervene. Davis, a thoughtful man,thought; then he said, “Well, It would be nice in diplomacy,

June 5, 1995 The Nation. 795or in life, if one could ever start from a point of innocence.”To which I suppose the only answer is to say-Go! Plunge everdeeper, commit more crimes to erase those already commit-ted, and repeat with Macbeth, “I am in blood/Stepped in sofar that, should I wade no more,/Returning were as tediousas go o’er”’WHY RUSSIA OPPOSES EXPANSIONNATO Stay AwayFrom My DoorMATTHEW EVANGELISTARussia today is a fragmented society, with politicsan angry mix of fascism, nationalism, communism,socialism and liberalism. But all partles areas one when it comes to the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization: They staunchly oppose Its expansion into EasternEurope. Although Boris Yeltsin paid lip service to NATO’sso-called Partnership for Peace during President Clinton’s recentvisit to Moscow, he still firmly rejects using the agreementas a vehicle for expanding NATO.Russia’s anxiety over NATO’s encroachment on its borderis profound, and the Clinton Administration seems unwillmgto face the fact. As the President formulated it at a NATOsummit in January 1994, “It’s not a question of whetherNATO will take on new members, but when and how.” Thisapproach ignores the widespread opposition to NATO expansionwithin Russia-not only from the Yeltsin government butfrom its harshest critics, ranging from the extreme nationalistVladimir Zhirinovsky to the liberal economic reformerGrigory Yavlinsky.During the Gorbachev years, both Andre1 Kokoshln andAleksei Arbatov played key roles as supporters of the kindsof military reforms that helped end the cold war. Kokoshlnis now the highest-ranking civilian in the Defense Ministry;Arbatov is an opposition member of Parliament and a harshcritic of current military pollcy. Yet both agree that NATO expansionis a bad idea.Still, NATO’s major players-particularly Britain, Germanyand the United States-see expanslon as a relatively easy andstraightforward foreign pol~cy decision, especially comparedwith the hard choices they have faced in Bosnia, Somalla andHaiti. Moreover, the NATO bureaucracy, robbed of its rationaleto defend against the Soviet threat, needs sornethmg newto do, and integrating the states of the former Warsaw Pactinto the NATO system seems to fit the bill. The top candldatesinclude the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and probablySlovakia. Their leaders-most vocally Vaclav Havel and LechWalesa-have insisted that only membership in the NATO al-liance will insure their countries’ economic and political security.Havel has gone so far as to say that his country IS readyMatthew Evangelrsta IS a visrtrng sciolar at Harvard’s Centerfor Science and International A ffarrs.to fulfill all requirements of NATO membership, includingthe stationing of nuclear weapons on its territory.Moscow’s warmngs about what it will do If expansion comesshould be taken seriously. Russia has threatened not to ratifythe START I1 treaty aimed at substantially reducing strategicnuclear weapons there and in the United States. It has alsothreatened to abrogate the 1990 treaty reducing conventionalforces in Europe (C.F.E.), a pact that was central to ending theEast-West military rivalry on the Continent. Western politiciansstubbornly refuse to face such consequences of theproposed NATO expansion. During a visit to Poland in mid-April, Douglas Hurd, the British Foreign Secretary, declaredthat “there IS no link between Russia’s meeting its obliga-tions under the Conventional Forces in Europe treaty and decisionsabout expanding NAT0””ignoring the fact that bothYeltsin and his opponents in the Duma have repeatedly insistedon such a link.In the end, supporters of Russian democracy are likely tobe hurt most by any NATO march eastward, since their mslstenceon the West’s generally benlgn intentions will meet withwidespread skepticism. In consequence, they will find it dif-ficult to resist the pol~cy prescriptions of the hard-hers, suchas accelerating efforts to integrate the former Soviet republicsinto a Moscow-dominated defense alliance. More worrisomeis the likelihood that the reactlonarles may also use thespecter of an external threat from NATO to curb democraticfreedoms, producing the increased repression that many ofthem already advocate. Such a development is not likely tocome without violence, an upheaval that could expand toneighboring states and perhaps threaten security the of thousandsof nuclear weapons within Russia.Some argue that rejecting the NATO expansion would showtoo much deference to Russia’s militarists, that it would glve

796 The Nation. June 5, 1995them an unacceptable drolt de regard over the foreign policyof other states. But curbing NATO’s eastward thrust wouldactually weaken the hard-hers politically by validating themoderates’ argument that the West has no military designson Eastern Europe. Russian milltarists now use the specter ofNATO expansion to distract attention from the brutal war inChechnya. Some restraint on NATO’s part would benefit thebrave critics of that war: people like the human rights campaignerSergei Kovalev, the committees of soldiers’ mothersand the journalists who risk their lives to counter the government’spropaganda.To some, all this is beside the point, because they say Russiawill inevitably come to oppose the West, regardless of themoderate forces inside the country. Thls argument holds thatit makes sense to prepare for that eventuality by expandingtween states whose populations contain significant minoritiesthat constitute the majority in a neighboring state, likethe Hungarians in Romania, Slovakia or the Vojvodina regionof Serbia.Other institutions might deal with such problems more effectivelythan NATO. The promise of economic rewards associatedwith membership in the European Union, for example,has already provided leverage for moderatmg the policies ofHungary and Slovakia toward their ethnic minorities. TheO.S.C.E. provides a means that NATO lacks for resolving regionaldisputes, primarily because its membership includesall European states, large and small, plus Russia and the UnitedStates. At the May summit in Moscow, Yeltsln made itclear to President Clinton that he preferred working throughO.S.C.E. rather than an expanded NATO, doubtless becausea proven institution-NATO-to provide security for the he sees Russia as an equal partner in the former but not instates not long out of the Soviet Union’s grasp. A corollary the latter. Finally, if a genuine military alliance were requiredhere 1s that alternative security arrangements are inferior, in- to defend Central and Eastern Europe, the W.E.U. would becluding reliance on collective security, on the Organlzationfor Security and Cooperation in Europe (O.S.C.E.), on theWestern European Union (W.E.U.) or on the United Nations.Although many of the crltlclsms of these organlzations maybe valid, there is no reason to believe that NATO is necessarilybetter suited to dealing with the kinds of threats thestates of Eastern and Central Europe are llkely to encounter.In the near term at least, these countries’ problems willnot come from Russia but from economic crisis, ecologicala better choice than NATO, largely because the United Statesis not a member.A revival of East-West conflict along the lines of the coldwar is hardly inevitable. But few geopolitical decisions wouldencourage it more than expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe.If the Clinton Administration insists on enlarging NATOit runs a serious risk of rupturing relations with Moscow, abreak that could be disastrous at a time when democratic reformersin Russia already face the distinct possibility of beingdegradation, internal ethnic conflict and from disputes be- overwhelmed by the forces of the past. 0BE ALERT!Frustrated by the massive amount of mail and calls the Right is able to on muster any issue at all? Tired of readingabout one travesty of justice after another and not knowing what to do about it? Want to do something concreteto help further the progressive agenda?Now The Nation has a special service to help you get your message across. Each month, NutionAlert issues ahot-button bulletin on an issue you care about: human rights, health care reform, foreign policy, social justice, minorityrights, the environment-so you can do something about the injustices reported on in our pages.We’ll put at your disposal our insider’s Rolodex of key legislators, corporate decision-makers and progressivefriends, so you can reach them by phone, letter, e-mail or fax. Plus,NutionAIert gives you a detailed summary of the issue, a bibliographyfor further reading, and updates on the effects of grass-roots initiatives.Make your voice heard! Become part of a growing political force!Join NationAIert by sending $18 for a one-year membership (12monthly issues) to NulionAIert, c/o TheNalion, 72 Fifth Avenue, NewYork, NY 10011. Or enroll by phone with your Visa or Mastercardat (212) 242-8400 x207. Call or write now to receive our next alert!IT’S YOUR VOICE-USE IT!

iJune 5, 1995 The Nation. 797BOOKS & THE ARTS.intellectually voracious Florence JoinedA Small Circle of Friendsthe first generation of white women ad-DANA FRANKFLORENCE KELLEY AND THE NA-TION’S WORK: The Rise of Women’sPolitical Culture, 1830-1900. By KathrynKish Sklar. Yale. 437pp. $35.In 1886, havlng just completed thefirst (and classic) English translationof Friedrich Engels’s The Condltlonof the Workmg Class in England,Florence Kelley wrote Engels of thedifficulties she was encountering promotinghis book in the United States. Inthe aftermath of the Haymarket affair,revolutionary working-class propagandawas a hard sell. However, she suggested,a most receptive audience existed in theIowa Suffrage Association and in the nation’snewly proliferatmg colleges. Sixyears later she still insisted, “I find more‘root and branch Socialism’ among menand women of the prosperous class thanI do among our native American andIrish American wages earners.” Needlessto say, Engels “responded coolly.”Even at the moment of her greatestcommitment to soclallsm Kelley was neverable to view the world from outslde herown community. Yet she also walkedaway from some of her own class prlvilegesand spent her life trying to helpwhite workmg-class women.Florence Kelley has long been a fasclnatingfigure in part because of that fundamentaltenslon. In many ways she wasthe far left wlng of the crowd of whitewomen centered around Jane Addamsand Hull-House who, beginnmg in 1889,encamped in the middle of Chicago’sslums and dedicated themselves to servingthe victims of industrial capitallsmThese women-among them Addams,who would go on to wln the Nobel PeacePrize; Julia Lathrop, who would head theU.S. Children’s Bureau; and Kelley herself,who served as general secretary ofthe National Consumers’ League from1899 to 1932”are now the subject of agreat deal of attention as among thefounders of the U.S. welfare state.Dana Frank teaches Arnerlcan studresat the Umverslty ofCallfornra,SantaCruz. She IS the author of PurchasmgPower: Consumer Orgamzlng, Gender,and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1919-1929 (Cambridge).Many scholars, including Theda Skocpol,have begun to insist on the historicalimport of Kelley’s cohort as state builders,and as the heroines of a new “gendered”history of politics that views themas powerful pioneers for both social justiceand women’s empowerment. Others,such as Gwendolyn Mink, view their ascendanceless happlly, criticizing the raceand class agendas embedded in the Hull-House generation’s endeavors.Jane Addams oneredFlorence Kelley a job, aplace to live andmembership in whatKeley described as a‘colony of efficient andintelligent women.’Kathryn Kish Sklar’s engrossing newbiography of Florence Kelley lands rlghtin the middle of this debate. Based onvoluminous research, written with acompelling narrative command, this firstof two volumes on Kelley’s life sweepsthrough the world of white reformers inthe late-nineteenth-century United States.Like Sklar’s pioneermg 1973 study ofCatharine Beecher, Florence Kelley andthe Nahon’s Work IS a model of biographythat captures the subject while usingher to dluminate historical processes ofwhich her hfe was part.lorence Kelley was born in Philadel-F phia in 1859, the daughter of Willlam“Pig Iron” Kelley, judge, Congressmanfor thirty years and one of the most powerfulpoliticians of the late-nineteenthcenturyRepublican Party. He dashed offdally missives from his desk in Washingtonpassionately confiding to Florencethe reception of this speech or that bill,conveying a sense of “the immediacy ofpolitical power” that was the key to herlater politics, along with the tradition ofwomen’s benevolent reform she got fromher great aunt Sarah Pugh.In 1876, at the age of 16, the serious andmitted to colleges in the United States. AtCornel1 she appears to have been treatedin many ways as the equal of men of herclass and race.But once she left Ithaca, the bars ofgender discrimination came thuddingdown. Even her father’s connectionscouldn’t get her into graduate school in1882, although they could get her thesis onchild labor published. Driven by a deeplymoral commitment to alleviating the miseriesof the white working class, shesearched for a place in the reform world,teaching evening classes for workingclasswomen back in Philadelphia.Learning that the University of Zurichwould grant Ph.D.s to women, she enrolledthere in 1883 to study government.In Zurich, Kelley burrowed deeper anddeeper into reform circles until she burstupon the inner core of Marxian soclalistexiles from all over Europe. In 1884 shemet and married one, Lazare Wischnewetzky,a Russian Jewish doctor. Soonthereafter she took up the translation ofEngels’s Conditron, while giving birth inquick succession to three children. Themost revealing evidence about the marriageappears in three family photos, inwhich Lazare’s visage appears successivelymore glowering and threatening, Florence’smeeker and more submlsswe.In 1886 the family moved to New York,where Florence sought to dedicate herselfto the socialist cause. But the SocialistLabor Party, the strongest explicitly Marxistgrouping at the time, was lost in Germansectarianism, and Kelley again turnedto cross-class white women’s groups. Shetaught economics at a settlement house,hustled for the appointment of womenfactory inspectors, rushed off letters toeditors and fought for child labor reform.All the whde Lazare beat her.In 1891 she fled with her children andlanded on the doorstep of Hull-Housein Chicago. Jane Addams, herself thedaughter of a prominent Illinois legislator,immediately offered Kelley a job, aplace to live and membership in whatKelley would describe as a “colony of efficientand intelligent women.”Again Kelley groped toward a way toaid white working-class women; againmany of her overtures fell into the gap betweenher intentions and her class politics.First she establlshed a job placement bureaufor domestic servants-but none applied.Then, through the Illinois Woman’s1

I ~ .*798 The Nation. June 5, 1995Five world-renowned. scientists exploreEdlted byROBERT B. SILVERSLlvely, lucld, and engaglng,Hlddm Hzstones of Scrence ISa fasclnatlng collectlon of orlgmallnvestlgatlons Into forgottenand neglected aspects ofthe hlstory of sclence.Jonathan Mdler, Ollver Sacks,dnd Danrel Kevles show howand why some dlscoverles andlnslghts emerge wrth greatpromise, only to be dlscardedor forgotten, then re-emergeyears later ds ImportantRlchard Lewontln andStephen Jay Could suggestdeep and largely unacknowledgeddlstortlons In the waysclentlsts and popularlzersallke concelve the structureof the world and Its naturalhlstory“An excellent examinationof important issues in thebiological sciences.”- Kirkus ReviewsAn Alternate Selectlon ofthe Llbrary of Sclence,The Natural Sclence Bookcluband the Readers’ Subscrlptlon.Alliance, a federation of Hull-House reformersand trade union women, she campaignedsuccessfully for the appointmentof women as factory inspectors, althoughher trade union allies, both male and female,eventually opposed the campaign.She finally came into her own andswept into public prominence through amass 1892 campaign against sweatshoplabor. Rousing “publlc opinion”-ratherthan the labor movement-into an uproarthrough speeches, “monster meetings”and lobbying, Kelley also sweptherself into a job with the Bureau of LaborStatistics of Illinois, studying sweatshoplabor conditions and thexploltationof female and child labor. Quicklywork for women, for example, functionedher final report became a bill in the state as a Trojan horse for legislation shortenlegislaturerecommending the eight-hour ing hours for all workers. Kelley and herday for women, a ban on chlld labor colleagues “used gender as a surrogateunder 14 and the abolition of tenement for class-based legislation” and the risinglabor. Passed in 1893, it funded achlef in- tide lifted all working-class boats.spector to enforce it, and John Peter Altgeld,newly elected reform governor,named Kelley. From 1893 to ’97 she wasin the vanguard of state regulation of industrialexploitation.When industrialists swept back intopower in 1897 Kelley was once again thestruggling, intermittently unemployedsingle mother of three-if always able tosend her children to private schools. In1899 she accepted a new Job as generalsecretary of the National Consumers’League in New York. At that point Kelley’sfull national prommence commenced,and this first half of her biography closes.Sklar uses Kelley’s story to present aset of big arguments about gender,class and late-nineteenth-century politlcs.She begins with the assertion that politicsitself is gendered-that gender serves asa fundamental category in understandingpolitlcal processes. In the 1880s and ’90s.electoral politics and the state were inmale hands, Sklar argues; but civil society,which she places at center stage, wasaccessible to women. Women such asFlorence Kelley “used the power of civilsociety to create new powers for thestate,” to increase not only their ownpower but to “expand the power of thestate to do good.”That outcome depended, Sklar argues,upon a dynamic of supply and demand.Just as the first crop of college-educatedwomen graduated in the 1880s and 1890s,all dressed up with nowhere to go andarmed with the tools of social science,men’s politics collapsed into a “governancevacuum.” The gap in the social fabricwidened “to create an urgent publicdemand for the skills white, middle-classwomen possessed and the agendas theyrepresented.’’Into that vacuum marched the womenof Hull-House. In part through crossclassalliances with white working-classwomen, Sklar argues, Kelley and herfriends were able to become “servants ofall”; they “became a voice that served nomaster but the public welfare.” Their riseto state power served “the complementarygoals of social justice for working peopleand an expansion of women’s public authority.”Thus women, in coalition withmen, “achieved what men alone couldnot.” Legislation limiting the hours ofsklar establishes thatthe history of politicalmovements makes nosense without a genderanaIysis.Sklar irrefutably establishes that thehistory of Progressivism-and, implicitly,any political movement-simply doesn’tmake sense without a gender analysis.Equally persuasive is her argument thatthese women became enormously powerfulthrough their reform activities, thatthrough great effort and creativity theywere able to overturn gender barriers tocarve out a new role for themselves aswell as for the state.Whether this led to the empowermentof women, as Sklar argues, seems a thornierquestion. Sklar, like many others, isattracted to Kelley as a heroine in part becauseKelley’s story turns history on itshead to cast women not just as victimsbut as powerful makers of history. Theevidence presented in the book suggests,however, that only a very small circle ofrich white women gained power. FlorenceKelley’s father was in 1870 “one of thewealthiest men in Philadelphia.” JaneAddams’s father was a banker and millowner; she spent $lO,OOO of her ownmoney to found Hull-House. Ellen Henrotin,described as Kelley’s “second mostpowerful ally,” was educated in Dresden

June 5, 1995 The Nation. 799and London and married to a “promlnentbanker” who would later becomethe president of the Chicago Stock Exchange.I don’t think it’s accurate to referto these women as “middle class,” asSklar does throughout the book.Gendered politics are nonetheless classandrace-specific, and the politics of theHull-House reformers grew out of theirposition as pnvileged white women. Theycould afford the luxury not only of servantsbut of choosing whether or not tofight racism. They were sincerely anddeeply concerned with the plight of whlteworking-class women and children, andattracted to soc~alist alternatives. Butthey envisioned solutions that would increasetheir own power in the processnothand the rems of power to thosebelow them.Gender, I am arguing, was not a surrogatefor class politics as in Sklar’sportrayal, but integral to It. The “women’spolitics” depicted here was not classneutral or above class politics, but ratherthe reverse. It was a way of shoring upelite management of U.S. society in thename of helping working-class women,out of a sincere commitment to tamingindustrial exploitation but also in serviceto the aggrandizement of state power byelite white women-who, like welfare“experts” today, believed they kne whatwas best for working-class women.I keep wondering whether I might haveended up liking Florence Kelley more ifSklar’s approach had been less uncritical.That way, I might have been more able toappreciate the ways in which Kelley didgive much of her hfe to helping workingclasswomen. At the same time I alsowonder ifKelley’s polltlcs might havebeen better on some fronts than they aredepicted here. What was her position onracism, for example? Curiously, in a long,detailed book sweeping through latenineteenth-centuryreform, Sklar neverdiscusses the racial polit~cs of Kelley andher circle.Sklar’s biography does convey a sensethat Kelley’s community of womenfriends was like a maglc circle outside ofwhich she couldn’t step without losmgher powers. Beyond it lay the vast worldof working-class men and women whoquite simply had different political goals.The evidence here is very persuas~ve thatalmost every time Kelley sought to “help”white working-class women, they had adifferent approach in mind. ElizabethMorgan, for example, a prominent Chicagotrade unionist, rejected Kelley’s proposalthat the Illinors Woman’s AlllanceAntisemttlsm, Its Hlstory and CausesBernard h eIntroductlon by Roberr S. Wlstrichb e ’ s controversial magnum opus, orlglnallypubllshed In France In 1894, examines the dlfferentfaces of antlsemltism from Greco-Roman antiqulry IOthe end of the nmeteenth century. $10 paperThe Revhral ol IsraelRome and Jerusalem, the Last Nationah Quesr~onMoses HessTranslated from the German by Meyer WaxmanIntroduct~on by Melvln I. UrofskyImportant as the first book to give theoretlcalexpresslon to Zionlsm, The Revival ofIrraefwasonginally publlshed In 1862 $10 paperAmerlcan Zionlsmfrom Herzl to the HolocausrMelvln I. Urofsky“Musr readlng for anyone who would understandAmerlcan forelgn policy lnvolvemencs In the MII ddleEast ”“Chrisnan Science Monrtor. $1 5 paperAvailable at bookstores everywhere.Unlverslry of Nebraska Press publzshers ofBzJon Books Lmcoln NE 800-755-105Boas EvronA Selection of the J m h Book ClubA post-Zionist vlsion of Israel as a secular territorial state.“ . a lucid fonnuhhon of post-ZlonLst ldeology fm the generation of the1980s and 1930s ” “Inmattonal Iournal of Mlddle East Studles’I , an extremely dtte, bnlllant and Polverful book with a novel approach.a sober secular conceptton of ludasm ” “Maanu”Th cornpelllng book conveys the readerstralght UI the fiontlme ofthe battleraging tn Israel over the proper boundariesofthe national denti4 “ -Noah Lucas,Oxford Centre for Hebrew andJewish Studies288 pages, doth $29.95 hnp //w ld~m edurlupressAt boohstores orfiornOrdm 1-800-842-6736 PRESSBlSOfBOOK

~800 The Nation. June 5. 1995LIBIDOrhe Journal of Sex and SensibiliryQuarterly/$30*It’s smart, bold, challenging. It’sall-embracing and unafraid tobridge the barriers of genderorientation and age to turn on themind and the body. See how.LIBIDO, Dept. NBox 146721, Chicago, IL 60614VISAMC OrdersCall 1-800-495-1988*(Oulslde USA: Canada &Mexico, $40;Europe, SSO; elsewhere. $60; U.S. Funds)mMOVING?Send both your old mailinglabel and your newaddress to:THE NATIONP.O. Box 10763Des Moines IA 50340-0763Please allow 4-6 weeks forprocessing.rnPROBLEMS?If you have any problemsor questions regardingyour subscription, pleasewrite to us at the addressabove, or call:1 (800) 333-8536Monday to Frlday7 00 am to 11.00 pm CSTSaturday & Sunday8.00 am to 6:OO pm CST-.-fight for the appointment of womenschool inspectors. “Such acts would createand encourage class a of office seekerswlthin the organization,” Morganprotested. Morgan would not have agreedwith Sklar that Kelley spoke “for the welfareof the whole society.”Ifchildren to steal coal or refused to learnEnglish. Underneath pyrotechnic eventssuch as the 1886 Haymarket riot and the1892 Homestead steel strike lay a deep resentmentof industrial capitalists and arising vision of a different America withno elite at all, expressed through songs,folk tales, gossip and sometimes evensabotage. Interlaced through that alternativeculture were the daily skirmishesthrough which working-class womenstruggled to achieve equality with theirmenfolk. Sklar ignores this part of thecontext in which Kelley worked. Whethermale or female, working people had theirown ideas about state power and howto use it.The question, ultimately, is one of de-we’re going to develop fully a genderedhistory of late-nineteenthcenturypolitics, we need to pull back to an evenbroader definition of politics, beyond theworld of voluntary associations that Sklarand others append to the political canon.Two generations of social and labor historiansas well as feminist theorists havedefined politics to include not only massmovements such as the Knights of Laborand Populists and all the strikes, boycotts mocracy and the definition of feminism.and street protests of the 1880s but also Does it “empower women” if a handfulmyriad acts of informal resistance that of rich white women fight their way closercontested power dynamics of many sorts. to equality with their male equivalentsThousands of individuals, for example, and enact what they think best for otherintentionally violated newly imposed Jim women? Or are we talking about some-Crow strictures; others lied to government thing else, some messy, conflictual, deminvestigators(such as Kelley); still others ocratic politics from below that empowdumpedabusive husbands, taught their ers all women? 0Talk Is CheapJILL NELSON0n a plane headed to New York,my seatmate 1s a young womanwho confides that she is on herway to be a guest on Rofonda,one of dozens of syndicated talk showscurrently on television. “What’s thetoplc?” I ask.“Secret crushes.”“Do you have one?” I wonder. By thetime we land in New York, I find out shedoesn’t, though she’s told the producersshe does and given them the name of aman she vaguely knows. It turns outthat she and her girlfriends were sittingaround watching Rolonda, and when thecall for guests with secret crushes cameup during a break, complete with an 800number, she picked up the phone as agoof. Except Rofonda’s producers didn’tknow it was a joke, or didn’t care. Shesays they called her more than ten times,and in exchange for airfare, a hotel roomand a limo, she’s agreed to risk public humiliation.The producers even suggestedshe bring a pair of panties as a gift for hercrush, but she drew the line. She did agreeto lug a suitcase full of local gourmet specialtiesfor them.Jill Nelson IS the author of VolunteerSlavery (Pengurn).Over the past few months I’ve spentseveral hours a day, five days a week,watching talk shows. From Rolonda toGerald0 to Jenny Jones to Richard Beyto Donahue to Ricki Lake to Gordon El-liott to Jerry Springer to Sally JessyRaphael to Maury Povich to Monte1Williams to Oprah. I’ve watched showson mate swapping, men who beatwomen, fat women who are porno stars,the superiority in size of black men’s penises,transvestites, men who don’t supporttheir children, bisexuality, peoplewho love to have unprotected sex, womenwho love murderers, children who are outof control, white women who love blackmen, strippers, black women who lovewhite men. You name it, I’ve probablyseen it: I’ve seen it all.n 1986, when The Opmh Winfw ShowI went national, media attention focusedon what impact Winfrey’s personal, emotionalstyle would have on the ratings ofthe longtime king of serious daytime talk,Phil Donahue. Telwision critics grumbledthat her confessional approach-andsoaring ratings-would force the newsorientedDonahue to abandon his format.Almost a decade later, it’s clear thatWinfrey’s success influenced a lot morethan Phil Donahue. Imitators have takenthe cornerstones of Winfrey’s success-

June 5, I995 The Nation. 801guests who confess their victimization,confront their victimizer, and throughpublic confession hope for some sort ofhealing-and reduced it to its lowest commondenominator. They’ve taken Winfrey’sformula to its most hideous extreme,leaving Winfrey. who is appalledby what she created (last year she announcedshe would change her format),and Donahue, who always seemed uncomfortablewith the role of priest inTV’s confessional, seeming to be aboveit all. Today’s talk shows celebrate victimand victimizer equally; they draw no linesand have no values except the almightydollar. And, cheap as they are to produce,they pay: Over the past decade, televisiontalk shows have proliferated like roachesin the walls of a New York City apartmentbuilding.In a fundamental way, the success ofthese shows is based on external economic,social and political factors: the disappearanceof entry-level employment for younghigh school graduates, the disintegrationof communities, the elimination of gov-ernment support programs for youngpeople and families-from school loansto daycare centers to community-basedhealth facilities-and the resulting despamand rage that pervade many people’slives. Like the woman on the airplane,they crave their fifteen minutes of fame,with its illusion of success and Importance.An appearance on televuion, evenif it is based on a lie and depends uponmaking themselves and others look ridiculous,is their best chance of attaining it.The audience too, both in the studio andat home, feeds off the misery and humiliationof others. Less obvious is the pricewe all pay for those fifteen mmutes in increasedalienation, contempt and hatred.The current crop of talk shows exlstssolely as entertainment based on the humiliation,or potential humihation, oftheir guests. Much has been made of themurder of a gay man, Scott Amedure.Jonathan Schmitz, apparently unable tostand the thought of being desired by anotherman, shot and killed Amedure severaldays after he confessed at a taping ofthe fenny Jones show that Schmitz washis “secret crush” [see Jonathan Taylor,“To Die For,” April 31. But as frighteningas that was, I’m more terrified by thedaily killing off of any sense of under-standing, connectedness, collective responsibilityand the potential for redempt~onthat these talk shows foster.The effect 1s subtle, cumulative andwholly negative. With the frequent exceptionof Donahue, and occasionally Oprah,I cannot say that I learned one usefulthing, gained any understanding or wasever informed or enriched after monthsof watching Ricki, Montel, Richard Beyand the rest of the crew. For the first fewdays I found the programs amusing, in asnide way. It Was initially fascinating towatch people spill the most intimate detailsabout their sex lives, lack of valuesystems, antisocial activities and absenceof a connection to a community greaterthan the self. But after the first week, Iwas embarrassed, sickened and enragedby what I heard.I found myself yearning for the goodold days of talk shows hosted by the likesof Joe Pyne, Alan Burke and MortonDowney Jr., who made their own prejudicesand politics so clear that they provideda contrast to their guests, a line ofdemarcation around which sides could betaken. Today’s talk-show hosts are slickmedla creations masquerading as peoplelike us: hip Ricki, macho ex-MarineMontel, middle-aged, clean-cut suburbantypes a la Jenny Jones, Jerry Springerand Maury Povich. Where Pyne, Burkeand Downey were full of opinions andvitnol, these hosts pose as facilitators,egging their guests on to greater revelationand humiliation while they remainabove the fray, inquiring minds who wantto know.But their mission is not to get beneathour assumptions and stereotypes butto explolt and solidify them. The guestsare overwhelmlngly young, mostly blackand Latino, apparently poor and oftenunemployed. Their personalities and behaviorsare cast as representative. Youngblack men become walking penlses.Young women of all colors are victims; orstupid, sex-addicted, dependent babymakers,with an occasional castratingbitch thrown In. Young white males areeither nerds or, to th extent they are ableto mlmc the antisocd, highly sexuallzedbehavior of the black males, equally obnoxious,dick-identified studs.In the world of talk, young black menare portrayed as arrogant, amoral, violentpredators out to get you with theirpenis, their gun or both. A few pathologicalindividuals are presented as representativesof the group, and there’s seldomany discussion of the economic, soclaland political conditlons that produceantisocial behavior. It’s hard to recall seeingany young black man on TV representingthe majority: decent guys strugglmgto get a foothold in a society thatprovides scant support and expects theworst. You’d think that when the flrstgradeteacher asked the class what theyFive world-renownedscientists exploreEdited byROBERT B. SILVERSLlvely, lucld, and engaging,Hidden Htstones of Scmce ISa fascmatmg collectlon of orlgmalmvestigatlons Into forgottenand neglected aspects ofthe hlstory of sclenceJonathan M~ller, Ohver Sacks,and Danlel Kevles show howand why some dlscoverles andlnslghts emerge wlth greatpromlse, only to be dlscardedor forgotten, then re-emergeyears later as Important.Richard Lewontln andStephen Jay Could suggestdeep and largely unacknowledgeddlstortlons In the wayscientists and popdarnersahke concelve the structureof the world and Its naturalhistory.“An excellent examinationof important issues in thebiological sciences.”- Kirkus Review2An Alternate Selection orthe Library of Sclence.The Natural Sclence Bookcluband the Readers’ Subscnptlon.i

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CA 92115(619) 265-8104wanted to do when they grew up, all theblack boys raised their hands and said,“Deal crack, decimate my communityand do drive-bys.”This representation of black men asdicks is the dominant motif of many ofthe shows: “I wouldn’t sleep with him sohe dumped me,” “My man’s a dog andyou can have him,” “Confronting theperson who dumped you,” “Women wholet their men have sex with other women,”“I’d do anything for my man” andendless variations of “secret crush,”“dating game” and “he has to choose betweenme and her.”Whatever the topic, the format is asfollows: One person-usually a woman,since women are most frequently cast inthe role of stupid, powerless victimcomesout and tells all the couple’s businessto the apparently sympathetic hostand a leering, jeering, cheering audienceof her peers. This done, the other per-son-usually a man-is brought onstage,where he is confronted by his woman/women, booed or cheered by the audience,and gleefully encouraged by thehost to confirm our worst suspicions. Itwas initially interesting to see that a significantnumber of these couples are interracial,but the subtext quickly becameclear: Penis-waving black men prey notonly on black women, who deserve/areused to it, but on WHITE WOMEN. Thusthe shows confirm the popular politicalline that black men are to be feared-notonly In the street but in the bedroom.Violence, teenage pregnancy, poverty,spousal abuse, the spread of AIDS andother S.T.D.s, A.F.D.C.-you name it andMandingo’s behind it.Unfortunately, TV’s Mandingo seldomdisappoints. Neither does youngMr. Charlie. This is not surprising, sincethe desperate desire to be seen, recog-nized and on TV appears to have overridden95 percent of whatever commonsense exists. Almost daily, I witnessed aman attacked for his sexual promiscuitystand up and proudly gyrate or clutch hispenis for the camera. I began to wonderif talk-show producers’ pre-interview ofprospective guests consists of anythingmore than asking them to execute a bumpand grind.It’s rare that guests are given any advice,analysis or support. There is almostnever a psychologist, counselor or evena writer hawking a book on the topic tolisten, place in context or advise remedialaction. A few talk shows use audiencemembers as counselors or judges, butthis is solely for entertainment value. Theguests have gotten their fifteen minutesof fame, but leave essentially as theycame: alienated, angry and, most important,jobless. The hosts leave with a fatpaycheck.11 this has a profound political ef-A fect; daytime talk shows, intentionallyor not, have become storm troopersfor the right. Both the talk shows and theright wing erase the line between theanecdotal and the factual. Both focus attentionon the individual, aberrant behaviorof a small number of citizens anddeclare them representative of a group.So the black woman labeled a “welfarecheat” by elected officials comes to representmost women receiving Aid to FamiliesWith Dependent Children, when theoverwhelming majority of women receivingA.F.D.C. do not “cheat” the systemand would like nothing better than to geta job with benefits greater than thoseprovided by welfare. Rather than presentan honest look at what life on welfare’sreally like and initiating a discussion ofpositive “welfare reform,” most talkshows seek out the exception who appearsto prove the right-wing rule: a poor, uneducated,21-year-old woman on welfarewith four children. Why bother to havea serious discussion about education, unemploymentor building communitywhen it’s so much easier to demonizepoor black women?Watching TV talk shows was like bemgcaught in a daylong downpour of fear,hostility and paranoia. I found myselffeeling meanspirited and snarling by thetime the news came on at 6 o’clock, andfull of lust for revenge. In that mood itwas almost possible to entertain the notionthat old Newt might have some goodideas. Maybe we ought to take out a ContractWith America and punish the young,poor, female, black, Latino and gaythosetroublemakers we’ve watched swaggerthrough talk shows all day.While the pundits and the Presidentdiscuss the negative impact of right-wingradio talk shows in the wake of the Oklahomabombing, TV talk continues unnoticedand unanalyzed. But televisionreaches a much broader audience thanthe already converted who tune in to talkradio.Television gives not only a voicebut a face to our fear and rage, enablesus to point the finger of blame at thetube-at “them”-and roar for punishment,Isn’t that what the Contract onAmerica is all about? 0

June 5, 1995 The Nation. 803ART.ARTHUR C. DANTOThe Whitney BiennialNot long ago I was sent a bookmade up of Roy Lichtenstein’scomic-strip-panel paintings ofthe early sixties. It is calledBrad ’61, and its clever author, TonyHendra, has turned the tables on Lichtensteinin a benign way. He has returnedthe panels, so to speak, to the genre fromwhich Lichtenstein first appropriatedthem, and has arranged them into kind aof comic-book romance in which an artist,Brad, who llves in Tenafly, New Jersey,finds true love with Vicki, the girlnext door, as well as artistic glory in NewYork, across the river. Brad and Vicki arethe sixties ancestors of Julio and Marisol,whose steamy narrative of dubious fidelityand sexually transmitted disease haskept us all descending dank stairwaysinto the subways of New York in thehopes of finding out what happens next(we may never know, as those marvelouslydrawn Latino lovers have, at least fornow, been bumped by gentrified adver-tisements). The central panel in the storyof Brad is a famous painting, Lichtenstein’sMasterpiece (1962), which showsVicki exclaiming over a canvas, of whichwe see Only the back: “WHY, BRAD DAR-LING, THIS PAINTING IS A MASTERPIECE!MY, SOON YOU’LL HAVE ALL OF NEW YORKCLAMORING FOR YOUR WORK!” Beneaththe speech balloon, Brad gazes confidentlyinto the future. And if the paintingVicki alone is privileged to see wereto have become as clamored for as thepainting that shows her prediction, Bradtoday would be a very celebrated artistindeed.I thought of Masterpiece when I sawthe cover of The New York Times Mag-azine for February 26, which showedKlaus Kertess, curator of the 1995 WhitneyBiennial, holding a canvas of whichagain we see only the back, somewhatsmaller than Brad’s and affixed to itsstretcher by means of staples rather thantacks. Kertess 1s wearing a dark shirt withlight pinstripes of the kind that had all ofNew York clamoring for Frank Stella’spaintings in the Brad era. Kertess lookscryptic and I would say glum: The photographerhas said “Smile,” and he hasobliged with a minimal displacement ofhis lips. Just above the canvas is textworthy of Vicki, if we can imagine her ascynical: “The Next 15 Minutes in Art Arein His Hands.” Beneath the canvas is adescription of the story on page 30:“Klaus Kertess and the Making of theWhitney Biennial.’’ The strained smile isno better evidence for the fact that Kertesswas being cooperative in the shootthan is the canvas he holds; it is so muchsmaller than anything likely to have beenin a show made up of works one couldnot hold in one hand, let alone lift withtwo, that the photograph has the qualityof a cartoon. Paintings that size belongperhaps to the Whitney Biennials ofBrad’s first giddy fame, if then. The canvasindeed is of the dimension one mightencounter on Bellport Lane in Bellporton July Fourth, when artists come fromfar and wide to sell oil paintings ofwharves, bouquets, beguiling dogs,bowls of fruit, old salts. It is not the kindof art all New York clamors for.The conditions are inplace for curatorialreputation to exceedartikts’ mown.There is another way to Interpret thedisproportion between Kertess and thepainting. The image can be read as an allegoryof the ascent of the curator in thecontemporary art world and the correspondingdemotion of the individual artist.Or, correlatively, it is an emblem ofhow the exhibition has replaced the workas the least un~t of artistic significance.Curatorial ascent has come wlth a transformationin the curator’s role, from thatof care-giver (Latin curatus, derived fromcura, care) to a collection, with primaryresponsibility for preservation, inventory,authentication and acquisition-to thatof organizer of the exhibltlon construedas a creative act. The original concept ofthe curator is captured by the British term“keeper,” as used in such titles as “Keeperof the Queen’s Drawings,” but there IS nosense in which the current concept of thecurator corresponds to that of the keeper,for often the curator has no collection towhich to minister. The creatlve curator ischaracteristically an independent agentwith an agenda and a talent for ralsingfunds for mounting exhibitions whtchmay, and in certain spectacular instancesDoes yourmutual fund reflectyour ethics?Check outHUDSONINVESTORSFUNDAn ethzcaWsoclally CO~SCW~LS growthFnd No /brat or back end loadFor more complete informationabout Hudson Investors Fund,lncluding advisory fees, charges andexpenses, call for a free prospectus.Read it carefully before you investor send money.Call 1-800-Hudson-4(1-800-483-7664)CAN YOU MATCH CEO & SALARY?1 Edward Crane, 111 (Cato Instrtute)2. Chrlstopher DeMuth (Amencan Enterprlse Inst.)3 Edwm Feulner, Jr (Heritage Foundatlon)4. John Goodman (Natl Center for Polrcy Analysa)5 Wayne LaPlerre. Jr. (Nahonal Rime Assocratlon)6. 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804 The Nation. June 5. I995SCHOLARLY BOOKLET PROVE3JESUS NEVER EXISTED!Conclusive proof Flawus Jokphus creaed flctlonal Jesus, authored Gospel’AMAZING but ABSOLUTELY INGOlTROVERTIBLE! Send $5 to AbelalReuchltnFoundallon, Box 5652-8. KelWA 98064 For delals please send SASIRISH STUDIESSummer CoursesTrinity College DublinJulyLiterature History TheatrePolitics Visual ArtsTel: Orlaith O’Dowd(212) 663-5435Fax: (212) 663-5513NATION CASES AND BINDERSOrgantze and protect your back Issues of The NatmnBoth cases and bmders are covered In anattractwe dark red leatherette with a gold Namnlogo 1 case or binder holds 6 months (1 volume)Cases $1.95, 3 for $21.95, 6 for $39.95.Blnders $9.95, 3 for $27.95, 6 for $52.95.Add $1 per unll for potbpelhandllng.Send order toThe Natlon, Jesse Jones Induslnes, Dept N499 E Erle Ave , Phlladelphla, PA 19134Malor credlt cards accepted for orders over $15To charge call 1-(8CtO) 825-6690Allow 4 to 6 weeks tor dellvery.Forelgn orders add $2 5Wun1t Payment In US currencyPa resldents add 7% sales tax1Ido, take place outside museums: I amthinking especially of two remarkable exhibitionsorganized by the independentcurator Mary Jane Jacob-“Places Witha Past,” in which works were commissionedspecific to certain sites in Charleston,South Carolina, during the SpoletoUSA Festival; and “Culture in Action,”in which a variety of groups in Chicago,each at a great social distance from theart world, were encouraged to produce“an art of their own.” But even within themuseum, the primary advantage of havinga collection today 1s to have controlof artworks one may use as bargainingchips in getting loans from other institutionsfor the exhibitions one wants tomount. The first school explicitly dedicatedto curatorial studies has been founded,like so many other innovative things,at Bard College. The Center for Curator-ial Studies there IS built on what onemight call a training collection, consistingof works of contemporary art thatserve the students as a base for organiz-mg exhibitions, the nature and content ofwhich are limited only by the fledglingcurator’s imagination. Curatorial studiesare but distantly related to art historicalstudies, and the sorts of shows projectedare remote indeed -from those that fallunder the standard categories of the arthistorian, though conceivably the newexhibition formats may change the wholeway we look at art history. One would notexpect the new curators to mount themonographic sorts of exhibition devotedto single artists or groups of artists. Instead,If I may restrict myself to an actualexample that 1s scheduled at Bard, thereare plans for a show dedicated to the artof the Diaspora, wluch will bring togetherworks from various dlasporlc peoples indifferent periods In the hope of seelngwhat art means for people under thatrootless condition, and what it means forthe rest of us.On the basis of publicity such as thatconferred by the cover of The New YorkTimes MQgazme, Kertess’s name is almostcertainly more widely known than that ofany of the artists in the show he put together,evidence of the transformed statusof the curator. Whether his current famewlll survlve the next fifteen minutes, touse the somewhat cynical phrase of theTmes headline, is probably up to him.But the conditions are In place for curatorialreputation to exceed, perhaps by aconsiderable degree, artistic renown; andwhile it cannot have been with the intentionto glamorize hls staff that DavidRoss, as newly appointed director of theWhitney Museum of American Art, decidedto put the Whitney Biennial into asingle palr of curatorial hands, it is difficultto resist the view that his decisionreflected those conditions. Up to then,the composition of Biennials was the collaborativeproduct of a group of Whitneycurators. But when the tlme came for designingthe 1993 Biennial, the idea of theexhibition as a work of art in its ownright, with a meaning, a unity and evena message of its own, and of the curatoras a kind of artist who expressed himselfor herself in the medium of works ofart that inevitably resonated against oneanother In the framework of the otherworks selected, had begun to establish itselfin art-world consciousness.The Biennial used tobe aprobe that gavesome sense of wherematters stood in theworld of art.y tradition, the Biennial had a mean-B ing and a message that gave a basisfor cntic~sm of the show: It was to repre-sent the state of art in America in the twoyearInterval since its previous mounting,giving viewers some sense of trends andmovements, of what kind of work, in collectivecuratorial judgment, had attaineddistinction or shown promise of that, andIn particular which artists were or oughtto be of major interest to other artists, aswell as to other art professionals of variouskmds and orders. And the inevitableresponse, which took the form of askingwhy this or that artist was left out or included,why there was so little or so muchabstraction, installation, assemblage andthe like-or, m recent years, why the proportionof women artists or artists of colorwas as it was-served, in the manner ofdialogue, to modify the picture in such away that by the time the dust settled,there was some overall sense of how matterscurrently stood in the world of art.The Biennial was a probe that, togetherwith the elicited discussion. came as closeto an objective representation as one waslikely to get-a far better representation,say, than an army of social scientists,equipped with questionnaires, could posslblyarrive at. And the use of the curatorialteam was close to an ideal means of

June 5,1995 The Nation. 805arriving not so much at a balanced as ata true representation of how things stood.There would be trade-offs, compromises,tensions, together with a fair distributionof competence, of enthusiasms, of interests.A better system might involve a networkof nominators together with a curatorialselection committee that wouldarrive at the final menu.It is far from clear, however, that theconsiderable methodological advantageof the curatorial team survives into theera of the single virtuoso curator. And inconsequence it is unclear what the form ofcriticism appropriate to this show shouldbe, for it is no longer transparent that theintention is to represent the state of art.At best it might be to present one readingof the state of that art which expressesthe tastes and interests of the single curatorwho chose it. And the response toany criticism can then consist in sayingthat, well, this is the way I see thlngs.These are the things that I like. This iswhat strikes me as interesting, or amusing,or important. And maybe this is thebest that, in a pluralistic art world, canbe hoped for. But this not only changesthe nature of the Biennial. It raises thequestion of why we should any longerhave Biennlals.It should be clear that what happenswhen one puts the next fifteen minutes ofart in the hands of a single curator 1s thatit is the single curator who enJoys thosefifteen minutes, since the criteria of selectionrefer inevltably back to that individual’staste. Even if the art world findsdelight in a work by Nancy Rubins, con-slsting in a large cloud of mattressestrussed together with a lot of cakes andsuspended from the ceiling by steel cables,it is the curator who is the ultimate recipientof that delight because he or she hasselected the artist and the work. Leave itto Klaus, the art world might murmur,knowing a blt about Klaus Kertess’stastes and preferences in art. But thesepredisposltions would be even betterknown to whoever selected him as curatorof the 1995 Biennial, and this suggestsa dlmension to the single-curator phenomenonI have so far not touched upon.I am not, let me emphasize, criticizingKertess’s tastes. I am, rather, concernedwith the institutional change that hasmade these central to this exh~bition.any readers will recall an episodeM made famous by a discussion of itin a widely read essay on existentialismby Jean-Paul Sartre. The philosopher wasapproached during the occupation by ayoung man with a dilemma. He wantedto join the resistance but that wouldmean abandonmg his aged mother, whowas altogether dependent upon him forher needs. He was torn between filial andpatriotic duty, and wanted to know whathe should do. Sartre’s answer was this:“You’re free-choose!” And then, in extenuationof what the philosopher recognizedas the seeming unhelpfulness of hisadvice, he told the young man that he hadto have known that this was the kind ofthing Sartre would say. Had he gone foradvice to the local priest, he would havegotten advice of a different sort. He had,in effect, chosen already in asking Sartrewhat to do. The same is true of exhibitions.We get the ones we want by askingthe curator we know is going to provideit. So in a certain sense, it is the directorwho chooses the exhibition. And that isvery different from charging a group ofcurators having presumably diverse agendaswith the task of picking a show thatwill be as representative as possible ofwhere things have been going in the visualarts over the previous two years.There can be little doubt that the 1993Biennial was a response to the desire, perhapsnever explicitly stated, to mount anTHE WOMEN OF VIETNAMON FORTY YEARS OF WARAN AMERICAN AMONGTHE VIETNAMESEFOREWORD BY GRACE PALEY“Humane, angry, lovlng, smart, relentless, sweet, brave, canng ....”TIM O’BRIEN, AUTHOR OF IN THE LAKE OF THE WOODS“Vlvrd and eloquent Rare for ICS honest, scrvghtfonvard look at the ordlnarypeople we foughr and thelr accompllshmencs and suffenngs.”ffiMU5 &VIEWSI “Borton grves us the Vler Nam hldden from us durlng our war,Iforbldden even IO our unaglnatlon ....’Ii5 LARRY HFJNEMANN, AUTHOR OF PACO’S SromY@w‘‘’””a_IN BOOKSTORES NOW FROM VIKING &

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What anyone withthe slightest knowledge of the art worldcould claim, on the other hand, was thatthe work was not monolithically as politicalas its reflection in the medium ofthe Biennial pretended, and that the showwas in fact a curatorial decision to put onone of a particular kind. Here and there,of course, there were works that couldnot easily be thought of as politically engaged-PeterCampus’s impeccable butdull dlgitlzed photographs of leaves andbranches, for example. But these simplyunderscored what most of the critical establishmentperceived as the determinationof a new directorate, fresh from theInstitute of Contemporary Art, Boston,to show what it felt contemporary artought to be under the guise of the Whit-ney format, which had to that point beenmerely to show contemporary art as is. itBut by the same token, it is difficult toavoid the inference that Klaus Kertess waschosen because he would select an exhi-bition of a very different sort, as indeedhe has. Conservative paranoia has naturallyseen through what it takes to be disguises,into the political core of the exhibition;but to those unafflicted with thatorder of pathology, Kertess has chosenexactly the kind of show one is convincedhe was expected to. Kertess is a widely respectedrepresentative of the art world,with known tastes and a history of havingdiscovered and nurtured, as a dealer, anumber of first-rate talents. His adJunctconnection to the Whitney goes even furtherin distancing his show from the criticaldebacle of 1993. The Biennial of 1997will be the responsibility of Lisa Phillips,who was a member of the curatorial teamthat chose several of the Biennials in theperiod preceding Tom Armstrong’s 1990forced departure as director of the museumand David Ross’s appointment tothat position. And in the symbolic languageof curatorial appointments, thishas to be read as a gesture of further reassuranceto the art world, as well as anindication of returning to a period inwhich the Whitney did not, by takingupon itself the prerogative of moral andpolitical instruction, alienate itself fromIts constituency. No institution can thrive,let alone survive, that does not learnwhen it has moved too far in that direction.Whitney publicists have jocularlycharacterized the Biennial as “The showyou love to hate,” but that pre-emptive ef-fort at collusive jollity would sound increasinglyhollow in the face of shows ashateful as 1993’s was felt to be. In thissense Kertess has done what was wanted.No one hates the show, partly because itis so quirky and somehow personal thatthat would be tantamount to hating him.But everyone knows that it is no morerepresentative than the last Biennial, simplymore obviously idiosyncratic.Everyone knows thkBiennial is no morerepresentative than thelast, merely moreobviotlsly idiosyncratic.consider the case of painting, until relativelyrecent times the mainstay ofthe Biennials and the annuals beforethem, largely because what was going onin art was mainly painting. There werefive paintings in the 1993 show, chosen,one felt, through quantity and quality, todemonstrate the leftish thesis that paintinghad died. Painting had been demonizedthrough the seventies and, after anuncertain reprieve in the eighties, villainizedafresh as the chosen art-form of theoppressing class. There are by contrasttwenty-seven paintings in the 1995 show,and while Kertess’s choices are at timeseccentric, no one can argue that the proportionof painting to other forms of arthas actually quadrupled in the interveningtwo years. What the difference innumbers as well as kind shows is thatKertess really likes painting, and has specialtastes in it. He likes quiet, austerepaintings like those of Agnes Martin andBrice Marden, or he likes really funkypaintings like those of nobody you haveever heard of, but that, like jokes, arelikely to be funnier to some than others.Or take the difference in catalogues.The 1993 catalogue featured an essay bythe writer Homi Bhabha, a well-meaningobscurantist who almost exemplifiesthrough the amiable murkiness of hisprose the difficulty of one culture understandinganother. Colonialism was butone of the kinds of abuse expressed inthe texts and in the gathered works. Thefront matter of Kertess’s book couldhardly be more different. After his ownwhimsical preface, in which he offers theunexceptionable thesis that all art is met-

June 5,1995 The Nation. 807aphorical and then undertakes to justifywhy the work he has chosen is somehowespecially metaphorical, there is a poemby John Ashbery which is. well, a poemby John Ashbery; a chapter by Lynn Tillman,“Reveal Codes, or Life Is a Joke,”from a novel in progress that treats of themalheurs of living in a dirty building ina noisy neighborhood with a man whohas a joke for every occasion; an essay,by the neurobiologist Gerald Edelman,on works of art as wordless metaphorsand the brain as a non-computer, whichit must be left to another occasion to discusscritically. Only the essay by JohnHanhardt, who was responsible for thevideo art in the show, bears any resemblanceto traditional catalogue writing.Meanwhile, one approaches the sectionof texts through a suite of interestingphotographic images: a woman’s handholding a pencil and resting on her tattooedarm; an aerial view of Manhattan;what appear to be survivors of an acci-dent gazing on some not so lucky; abranch of coral; a collection of wheels orperhaps gyroscopes; what looks like atantric pair in fornication intense enoughto require a bit of support from obligingassistants; the Tower of Babel as shownin an old engraving; and, finally, theWhitney Museum itself as, I suppose, theBabel of today. Kertess’s text is titfed“Postcards From Babel,” and it is clearthat this is the way he sees the show-adiffuse sampling from the art world asBabel. And I suppose the implication isthat if indeed the art world LS that, anyselection that implied a greater orderwould be a misrepresentation.Still, postcards imply sites and sights.While there is no question that whatKertess has chosen to send us as images,along with a cheery “Having a great time.Wish you were here,” records stops alongthe winding ramp of the great old towerof incoherence, the question remains, asit always must with the single curator,whether this tells us something aboutBabel or something about him. There is,for example, a fair amount of what 1 thinkof asfrn desiecle sexuality-sexuality Inthe mode of Aubrey Beardsley’s Underthe Hilt or The Story of Venus and Ennhauser,though of course in the mediumof photography rather than drawing, andin the contemporary world a flamboyantway of having safe sex-a lot of touching,cross-dressing, body-piercmg andtattooing, and erotic ritual. Among thedark glossy images of Nan Golden’sBkyo be,for example, a man, seeminglybound with red velvet ropes, prostrateshimself before a woman wearing blackfishnet stockings, whom we saw in anothershot wearing a shiny red plastic penis.Catherine Opie shows a self-portraitnaked to the waist, wearing a leatherS&M mask, enough pins stuck in her toequip a team of acupuncturists, and atattoo reading PERVERT (which may ormay not be real-who knows in this ageof computer enhancement?) across herchest. Alongside the generous helping ofsexuality, there is a lot of frivolity, someof it spectacular. Most of what we see fitsunder the three categories of frivolity,sex and quiet painting. So we are a longway indeed from 1993, when everythingfit pretty much under the one categoryof hortatory multicultural politics. Buthow close are we in fact to the Americanart world of 1995? The lesson of twoyears ago was that simply having seriousTHE ECLIPSEThe first time I played golfwas the afternoon of the partial eclipsein Nashville, Tennessee. I had justreturned from school with my degree,and my father chose to acknowledgemy maturity by standing me drinksat the close of our nine-hole round.My golf game is a loss in memory,a stroke sliced so far wide, my eyecan’t follow; I hear the pond gulp.But I remember the one o’clock eclipse,how when I stepped from the housethe clear sky unexpectedly darkened.The air turned cool in the animal silence.And I noticed under the tall shrubswhere shadows of the oval leavesmet and parted, a thousand dancingmoon-shaped suns shifting and dividingas the air shuffled the stiff leavesand a thousand foci blinked and stared.I called the others out to show them.Moments after the display had vanished,I remember I remained entranced.I saw eclipses everywhere. My car eclipsedthe family car, the house across the streeteclipsed the hill that stood above It,tall irises ecllpsed the box, andevery object rose to obscure another.themes does not ipso facto make seriousart. The lesson of today is that not havmgserious themes does not Ipso facto makeserious art either.Are there any masterpieces for whichall New York will be clamoring? 1 thoughtthe mural-sized photograph by Jeff Wallwas mysterious and worth viewlng, andin truth I remain haunted, as I almost alwaysam, by Nan Golden’s unflinchingphotography of the sexual underground.I would keep my eye out for Nicole Eisen-man for her impudence and fun. The hitof the show is a wall-painting just by theentrance to the museum’s restaurant,which shows her painting on a wall amidthe ruins of a Whitney Museum demolishedas completely as the federal build-ing in Oklahoma City. Various figures arebeing carted away on stretchers, andMy father joined me carrying his clubs,and we went. But on the way, all buildings,cars, trucks, signs, and trees, held orbitsthat met and overlapped. The golf swlng, too,caused an eclipse, and the sinking balleclipsed the cup. Nothlng seemed safe,that afternoon, from apparent loss.Joseph Chaney

808 The Nation. June 5,1995those waiting for their tables have beentreating It as a kmd of tableau b clef, tryingto identify who, other than NicoleEisenman herself, 1s who. It is a marvelousexercise In literal deconstruction. TheBiennial will deconstruct itself piecemeal,gallery by gallery, beginning June 4. Ifyou want to see It in its entirety, you hadbetter turn up by then. 0EVENTSWHEN WORKERS DECIDE Workplace DemocracyTakes Root In North Arnerlca A dlscusslonwlth Dr Len Krlmerman, edltor of theGrassroots Economic Organizlng Letter Wednesday,May 24,7.30 PM WESPAC, 255 GroveStreet, Whte Plans $3 contnbutlon requested.For Information, call (914) 682-0488CISPES REUNION. Are you now or have youever been a member of CISPES? 15 years ofSoltdarlty y Adelante, a reunron for all achvlstsof the El Salvador movement. May 26 and27, In Manhattan Call (212) 229-1290, or wnteto 19 W. 21st Street, New York, NY 10010.50 YEARS AFTER THE BOMB: The 8th AnnualPeace Actlon Natronal Congress Empoweringthe mandate for peace and Justlceat home and abroad June 23-25, Drew Unlverslty,Madrson Keynote speaker MlchroKaku, nuclear physlclst, peace actlvlst, WElAlrad10 personality Plenary toplcs lncludlng“Survlvors From the Hlroshlma Bomblng toCornrnunrty Gun Vlolence”, workshops onfundralsrng, confllct resolutlon and more.New, mvlgorated young people’s programContact Peace Actlon Natlonal Congress, c/oNJ Peace Actlon, 89 Walnut Street, Montclar,NJ 07042 Dee Rossman, Congress coordlnator(201) 744-3358THIRD PARTY ACTIVISTS’ SUMMIT June1-4, George Washrngton Unlversrty. Actlvlstsfrom a cross sectlon of post-hberal Arnerlca,emerglng partles, Independent candldates andcommunlty organlzers wlll gather to develop acommon strategy for the 1996 natlonal electlonsThlrd Parties ’96 IS sponsored by numerousstate Green partles together wrth actrvlstsfrom the New Party, Oregon’s Paclflc Party. theBoulder Progresswe Coalltron, DSA, The Centerfor Votlng & Democracy, Fund for ConstltutlonalGovernment, gay rlghts and other progresslvecommuruty-based groups A new mnstreamIS emerglng In American polrtrcs, andthe 3-day conference can be the crltrcal step towardbudding a common-sense electoral alternatrveIn 1996 and beyond Dorm rooms amlablefor early reg~stmnts. For mformatlon, pleasee-mad hndamartm@gcapcorg, or phone (703)642-5710. (510) 654-5311 or (202) 232-5544The adverltsrng deadlme for Events IS everyMonday Raies $75 for up to 50 words, $100for up to 75 words To place an ad. call Tomasmaat (212) 242-8400, ext 201EXCHANGE.nificant enough force to bother with (this(Contrnued From Page 778)prior to the Oklahoma bombings, after whlchsubscrlptlons to The Natron that proclalms the mainstream media became obsessed with“Subscribing to Our Principles Isn’t Enough.” any and everythlng remotely linked to the “pa-Pnnciples? What pnnclples?triot” movement). Incidentally, Harder-whoAnd now the icing on the cake. In the same had heard that I had also spoken to his crit-Issue, it’s revealed that Marc Cooper (radlcal ICs-began to bombard the Trmes, as he laterauthor) is now going Into competltion with bombarded The Natron, wlth phone calls andme to do a weekly talk show that features wnt- faxes asking them to kill the article.ers and editors of The Natron. I have over 350 More dutortions: The comment I left Hard-broadcast afflllates and he now has only one.Correction: Since his article 1 have suddenlylost two aff~hates. Does “sabotage by slander,”as well as envy, enter Into this mlx? Isall of this simply a grab for stations?Cooper’s dlsinformation IS truly a dlsserviceto loyal readers who are supporting TheNatlon. Although we occasionally reprlnt Nationarticles, I now have a new understandingof why The Natron has such a small clrculatlon.The magazlne’s morals and ethlcseemto be confused. Ethlcs are not “sltuational”In the real world. You can’t have it all ways.After 130 years, The Natron is still ahve, butthe present stewards need to look In the mlr-ror and then honestly confront reallty. Greatersuccess may then follow. Chuck HarderCOOPER REPLIESLos AngelesHow distasteful and revoltmg even mdlrectly real best seller, as Harder told me and thento communlcate with such a vile character as confirmed by the mal-order printouts he gaveEustace Mulhns, the sort we thought we got me, is the conspiracy-ndden book and videorld of at Nuremberg. Why waste Ink rebuttmg version of the laughable Clrnton Chronicles.a creature ldentlfled by every major researcher Harder disingenuously portrays hlmself asin the fleld as one of the most prolific gener- an honest broker who, as a public sernce,ators of ant]-Semitic and phllo-Fascist propa- merely offers his mrcrophones and the scrugandain Amenca? It’s sufficlent to note that tlmvng light of day to such extremists as Mul-In his “defense” he characterizes the Holo- hns and Ken Adams of the Michigan Mllitia.caust as a “nonissue,” a flgment of the “es- But the transcnpts of those shows clearly showsentlal morbldlty of the Jewlsh psyche.” And that rn the presence of such guests, Harder isJust as the Holocaust took place despite hlsdenials, so Indeed did Mulllns pen the hatetracts he now dlsavows, along wlth other tltlessuch as Jewlsh TK SIck Slck Slck and EzraPound. Unknown Hero, all currently offeredfor sale in the catalogue of the ChristianDefense League.As to Chuck Harder’s plalntlve screed, myreactlon IS more one of amusement. One thlngIS sure, Chuck knows how to turn his weaknessinto a strength. and has concocted onemore conspiracy theory to put In hls topdrawer: A deceitful reporter wlth a hiddenagenda sets him up and lets him fall as partof a “smear” directed not only agalnst himbut also agalnst those other stalwart opponentsof antl-Semltism, Pat Buchanan andPat RobertsonAs wlth most conspiracy theories, thls onetakes a few needles of truth and hldes themIn a haystack of dlstortlon. So let’s set the rec-ord stmght. I told Harder from the beglnrungthat The New York Tlmes Magazme had comrnisslonedme to wrlte a freelance proflle onhlm and his radlo show The Trmes’s decisionto reject the plece had nothmg to do wlth itsaccuracy, as Harder insinuates. The only reasonstated to me, unfortunately for Chuck,was that it seemed that Harder was not a sig-er with, the same I have told every interviewsubject for twenty years, that I might needto get back to hlm later, has been twisted Intosomething I have never done in two decades-tell the subJect that he or would she have therlght to pre-publlcation review.Space limited me from listing all the othergarbage-apart from Mullins-that bulgesout of Harder’s bookstore: Waco: The Big Lieby Llnda Thompson (the self-appomted “ad-Junct general” of the militla movement), BlgSrster Is Watching You: Hrllary Clrnton andthe Whrre House Feminists Who Now Con-trol Amerrca and New World Order: The AnclentPlan of Secret Societies by Willlam Stlll,among others. In short, a whole library ofthe sort of paranoid materlal that underglrdsthe milltla movement. Harder now wants toclam that this sort of claptrap is auxiliaryto his “largest sellers.” But For The People’sa shamelessly fawnmg host who never challengesthem and who goes out of his way toreinforce thelr theses.Harder is correct on one polnt: When hehosted Adams of the Michigan Militla (whichHarder champloned as a “grass-roots politicalorganization with guns”) It was, In fact, foronly sixty mmutes. For the next thirty mlnutesHarder fielded phone calls and contlnued totrumpet the mllitia h e that Arnerlca wasabout to be swallowed by the New World Order(replete with stories about black helicopters,of whlch Harder told me he a had box of pictures).Harder agreed wlth a caller namedMike from Thomasville, Geoma-a professedmember of Harder’s For The People organi-zatlon, who sad, “We go to bed every night inAmerica afrad of the knock on the door. . . .If we are gomg to fire a shot let It be on ourown so11 for our own country.”The problem wlth Harder IS that thls tonedommates hls dally show. Yes, there mlghtbe the occasional rabbl or odd llberal or twollke Ralph Nader taklng advantage of Chuck’saudience to push their ideas and books. ButChuck always brlngs the talk back to the same

~ ~ ~June 5,1995conclusion, the one that has become far toofamlliar since April 19: America is victimof a conspiracy of 300 (although sometimeshe says 3,000) elitists and internationahsts, oras Chuck often likes to say, “that New Yorkcrowd .”Which brings us to the toxic quote aboutJewish greed that Harder claims I fabncated.Well, let me refresh his memory. It was my lastnlght wth him m White Spnngs. We had Justfinished a wonderful barbecue dinner andwere polishmg off some extra-rich chocolatepie. We were seated at the kltchen table alongwith producer Kent Phdlips and affihate salesmanDon Keyes. Maybe he thought he didn’tsay It because I didn’t tape-record that sesslonand because I was just notlng the more outstandingquotes. In that more relaxed and Informalsituatlon he sald exactly what I havequoted as I wrote it down, nonchalantly andwithout ralslng an eyebrow.Harder tries to bolster hls moral credentialsby claiming he has been attacked by the notoriouslyantl-Semitlc Llberty Lobby’s newspaper,The Spotlrghf, as being so anti-antl-Semitic that he’s actually a tool of Jewish andIsrael1 interests. I know nothing of this attack,but If it did occur, It would quallfy as a do-mestlc dispute, as Harder was once a part ofthe Llberty Lobby family. As outlined In theJanuary 9, 1990. Mdwaukee Journal, In thesummer of 1989 a controlhng interest in Harder’sSun Radio Network was purchased byKayala Satellite Broadcasting Network, controlledby the Liberty Lobby. After Kayala tookover Sun, the Journal reported that Harderclalmed the “Llberty Lobby has done nothing”to make his show conform with its ide-ology. Harder told me he left Sun shortly afterthe buyout because he was “squeezed out” byhls new business partners, with whom hewasn’t politlcally comfortable anyway. But asthat Journal artlcle said, “It is mterestmg,however, to note chat Harder allowed a calleron his show last Thursday to ramble on andon. uncontradicted. about the supposedlymalevolent role of American Jews In WorldWar 11,” Including an assertion that ED.R ,himself a secret Jew, “surrounded himselfwith Jewish advisers” that “no doubt pushedhim into letting the Japanese hlt Pearl Harbor.”Harder’s only answer was “Could be.”Fmally, what Harder calls the “icing on thecake”: the shocking revelatlon that yours truly“smeared” hlm because as host of the newweekly Nalron Hour rad10 show, I am “gomginto competition” wlth him and want to stealhis afflliates Thls is truly laughable. Chuck,as a radio professlonal, certainly knows better.Harder markets hlmself on commerclalAM statlons. The Nation Hour 1s amed onlyat noncommercial FM stations with (believeme!) no crossover Into the market of For ThePeople. Harder knows this, rlght down to thedetails of the programs’ incompatible satelhtesystems. In any case, Chuck, when It comesto how you do radio, and especlally whaf yousay on the radio, I wouldn’t dream of competmgwlth you. Marr CooperThe Nation.CLASSIFIED.Whde we reserve the rlght Io edlt, rejecl or reclassljy anyadverfrsement, The Nation wrshes its readers lo knowwe don’t have the fanlrfles to check the promrses madeby our advertisers, and we have a strong presumplronagamst censorrng any advertisement. especrally if wedrsagme wrih its polrlrcs.BED & BREAKFASTRUSSIA 6 EASTERN EUROPE. Stay In pnvate homes wllhEngllsh-speakmg famllles Expenenced, rehable, reasonablerates Accommodations In all major cllles Visa support Forlnformatton contact lntematlonal Bed & Breakfast PO Box823, Hunlmgdon Valley, PA 19006 (800) 422-5283BOOKSMI YOU HAVE A BOOK To PUBLISH? 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~~~ __~~~ ~810 The Nation. June 5, 1995CLASSIFIED.PERSONALSMERRY WIDOW seeks widower wlth pre de v~vre. 60-70, nonsmoker,N Y C Natlon Box 140NICELY RIPENED WOMAN, 53, slender, attractive. spmted. affectlonateand bnght, lover of books, blms. classical muslc andall thmgs out-of-doors, seeks love (passionate andcanng) wlthunpretentlous man of substance and humor Suite 86, PO Box529, Lexmgton. MA 02173CLASSICAL MUSIC LOVERS' EXCHANGE@. Natlonwlde llnkbetween unattached music lovers 1-800-2334" BOX 31.Pelham, NY 10803SINGLE BOOKLOVERS. a natlonal group, has been gettlng unattachedbooklovers together slnce 1970 Please wnte Box 117,Gradyvllle, PA 19039 or call (610) 358-5049DOMINATION? FETISH? Erudlte conversation Free Inqulryl(202) 3314433 Low, Lady Maw. (908) 2Bb8M8 Lave. NaneyEROTIC. INTELUGENT, IMAGINATIVE CONVERSATION. Unlnhlbltederploratlon ofyour Wual fantasm Dscrehon assuredInquire (617) 661-3849SILVER GUYS 6 DOLLS. 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absolutely kills on alto.”4-rec.music.bluenote“There are a few young guys out there deweloping their own style. My alto playqKenny Garrett, is one of them.” -MILES DAW s“Garrett is just about the ideal combination of bebop traditionalistand fusion modernist.” -ROBIN TOLLESON, DOWNBEATKenny GarrettTHE NEW ALBUM ILLUSTRATING THE ART OF THE TRIOtriologyThis recording is dedicated to the lzuing legends of the Tenor Saxophone: Sonny Rollins andJoe HendersonGet the latest Info on Warner Bror aftlsts from the Internet (http //wwwjazzonln corn/JAZZ/WBJazz htm) 01995 Warner Bros Records Inc