shown in Table 1. Of these, seven were omitted as they did not refer specifically tothe above organisations 24 .Table 1. Reference to specific influential individuals, victims’ groups, <strong>and</strong> prison reform groupsin the Dominion Post <strong>and</strong> the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Herald from 01 January 2004 to 31 December 2004.The Dominion Post <strong>and</strong> The New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Herald 2004Representative or Quote Reference to Organisation TotalVictim Support 16 17 33Sensible Sentencing Trust 25 32 57Rape Crisis 3 2 5Howard League for Penal Reform 8 2 10Professor John Pratt 2 n/a 2Prisoners' Aid <strong>and</strong> Rehabilitation Society 9 5 14In the analysis of the newspaper articles, it was noted whether the article used therepresentative of the organisation (or the individual), either with a direct reference,or with a quote. An example of an article that fell into this category noted that‘Victim Support chief executive Laureen Outtrim said the decision was a l<strong>and</strong>mark’(Y<strong>and</strong>all, 1999: Par. 10). Alternatively, if the article simply mentioned the group orindividual but no opinion or interview details were reported then it was placed in thecategory ‘reference to organisation’. For example, ‘Somehow or other VictimSupport got an email that went astray …’ (Watkins, 2004: A1). Here, theorganisation is mentioned but its views are not used in the article.The frequency with which the Sensible Sentencing Trust is mentioned in the press ishighlighted when examining the data. Victim Support is cited on 33 occasions, withinformation from the group being used in the article on 16 occasions. In contrast, theTrust was mentioned 57 times in the two main newspapers combined, as well asfrequently being used as a provider of information, with 25 articles having a‘representative or quote’. This illustrates how dominant the Sensible SentencingTrust has become in shaping crime <strong>and</strong> punishment news, <strong>and</strong> contradicts the view24An example of this can be seen in an article where the journalist stated the following: ‘most of thedegenerates whose crimes against society have l<strong>and</strong>ed them in prison deserve a good scrubbing …[r]ather than terming that an infringement on their human rights. I like to think of it as sensiblesentencing’ (Te Radar, 2004: Par. 1). Here the article is not using ‘Sensible Sentencing’ as the title ofthe organisation, but as a descriptive verb. Furthermore, it was not a representative from theorganisation being interviewed.50
McVicar paints of himself as the ‘ordinary’ citizen who does not get heard. Instead,the views of the Trust are being used increasingly for ‘expert’ advice on criminaljustice issues. In contrast, criminal justice professionals <strong>and</strong> elites who are highlyknowledgeable in this area are overlooked as they do not offer the populist attitudesthe media are seeking for a personal <strong>and</strong> ‘newsworthy’ story.When examining articles from the Dominion Post <strong>and</strong> the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Herald(which had mentioned the Sensible Sentencing Trust) from 2004 one can see a shiftin penal power away from expert opinion <strong>and</strong> analysis towards victims <strong>and</strong> theirrepresentatives. The politicisation of crime control had drawn the public into penalpolicy development <strong>and</strong>, in turn, gave the Sensible Sentencing Trust the authority itneeded to become the new expert in criminal justice matters. The press commonlyaccept <strong>and</strong> represent the Trust as the new expert, providing not only the Trust’sopinion on the issue at h<strong>and</strong>, but on how the process should be done in the future.For example, McVicar is interviewed in a New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Herald article concerningparole. He notes that ‘[t]he safety of the community seems to be irrelevant <strong>and</strong> [thecriminal justice system are] just recycling … offenders on a regular basis (Devereux,2004: Par. 19). Here, McVicar disagrees with the decisions made by policy makers.He then goes on to give his advice on what he believes should be happening, notingthat New Zeal<strong>and</strong> needs legislation that gives those in power the ability to holdrepeat offenders in prison indefinitely when necessary (Devereux, 2004), ignoring(or perhaps being unaware of) the fact that such powers already exist underNew Zeal<strong>and</strong>’s preventive detention law <strong>and</strong> are used with increasing regularity 25 .McVicar, though, chose to bypass this fact, as it did not fit in line with his ownagenda. And, as usual, he was completely unchallenged by the journalist concerned.Of particular significance to the present argument is the way in which the SensibleSentencing Trust advocates for the harsh sentencing of offenders – a strategy notundertaken by other victim support groups. With this in mind, it seemed necessary to25Preventive detention is an indeterminate sentence which allows for the control of ‘dangerous’offenders (Hall & O'Driscoll, 2002). Offenders who receive this sentence are not given a sentence enddate as they are considered a threat to society. Instead, the offender is monitored in <strong>and</strong> out of prisonfor the rest of their lives by the Parole Board <strong>and</strong> is only released into the community when the ParoleBoard is satisfied that they no longer pose a threat to society. Upon their release they are liable to berecalled to prison at any time (Hurd, 2008). In 1985 in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> there were 10 prisoners servingpreventive detention (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> official yearbook, 1990), in 2003 there were 33 defendantssentenced to preventive detention for that year alone (Ministry of Justice, 2008) <strong>and</strong> by January 2009there were 215 prisoners serving preventive detention (Koubaridis, 2009).51
- Page 3 and 4: AcknowledgementsWriting this thesis
- Page 5 and 6: ContentsAbstract ..................
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionIn September 2007, New
- Page 9 and 10: Thereafter, the Labourled coaliti
- Page 11 and 12: Postwar Security and Penalwelfa
- Page 13 and 14: the exterior of electoral politics,
- Page 15 and 16: social conditions, towards that whi
- Page 17 and 18: penal policy development where they
- Page 19 and 20: implementation of this legislation.
- Page 21 and 22: increasingly aware of crime, gainin
- Page 23 and 24: immigration was considered a threat
- Page 25 and 26: in agricultural exports, particular
- Page 27 and 28: The time would seem to be appropria
- Page 29 and 30: In keeping crime out of the public
- Page 31 and 32: The Labour Party’s response to th
- Page 33 and 34: across a multitude of family househ
- Page 35 and 36: Changes in New Zealand mediaThe dif
- Page 37 and 38: dominant feature of New Zealand soc
- Page 39 and 40: Despite its manifest contradictions
- Page 41 and 42: Governments and their civil servant
- Page 43 and 44: The Victims Task Force believed tha
- Page 45 and 46: eferendum into legislation, motivat
- Page 47 and 48: [New Zealand was] one of the safest
- Page 49: governments in the hope that ‘suc
- Page 53 and 54: that New Zealanders have been expos
- Page 55 and 56: This combination of circumstances c
- Page 57 and 58: Sympathy, empathy, commiseration an
- Page 59 and 60: [h]ad not risen from the ‘victims
- Page 61 and 62: illicit a response from the communi
- Page 63 and 64: Reform Bill). The Trust made submis
- Page 65 and 66: The willingness by Opposition MPs t
- Page 67 and 68: I remind [the National Party] that
- Page 69 and 70: However, the Labourled government
- Page 71 and 72: 6). While these opposing parties po
- Page 73 and 74: One development in particular incre
- Page 75 and 76: policymaking 32 . From 2000 to 2006
- Page 77 and 78: had removed suspended sentences as
- Page 79 and 80: Chapter Four:Resistance to Penal Po
- Page 81 and 82: 2004: 44). The situation worsened i
- Page 83 and 84: were designed to address New Zealan
- Page 85 and 86: $3.341 million annually from 2009/2
- Page 87 and 88: organisation, was interested in bur
- Page 89 and 90: Because of the capability of the me
- Page 91 and 92: The case of Graeme BurtonThe second
- Page 93 and 94: ‘parole should be a privilege, no
- Page 95 and 96: given the difficulties in measureme
- Page 97 and 98: package to prioritise this issue. H
- Page 99 and 100: emained insecure and overtly puniti
- Page 101 and 102:
the end of its tenure. As a result,
- Page 103 and 104:
The thesis has explained and analys
- Page 105 and 106:
main determinants are addressed. As
- Page 107 and 108:
Atkinson, J. (2002). Structures of
- Page 109 and 110:
Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008b
- Page 111 and 112:
Cullen, P., & Lloyd, C. (1991). Lob
- Page 113 and 114:
Department of Statistics (N.Z) (199
- Page 115 and 116:
Hall, G., & O'Driscoll, S. (2002).
- Page 117 and 118:
Johnson, R. J., & Ogloff, J. R. P.
- Page 119 and 120:
Maguire, M. (2002). Crime data and
- Page 121 and 122:
Ministry of Justice (2002a). Senten
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New Zealand Parliament (1993a). Cri
- Page 125 and 126:
asket.co.nz.helicon.vuw.ac.nz/searc
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O'Conner, D. (2006). Effective Inte
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Prisoners in line for waist restrai
- Page 131 and 132:
Sentencing Amendment Act. (2007). R
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http://www.stats.govt.nz/products
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contours of New Zealand (pp. 1111