system, where the victim <strong>and</strong> the ‘law abiding’ community are at the centre, ratherthan the offender.However, as Garl<strong>and</strong> (2001: 144, original emphasis) notes, it is as if the crime victimhas become a ‘representative character whose experience is assumed to be common<strong>and</strong> collective, rather than individual <strong>and</strong> atypical’. In New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, the SensibleSentencing Trust use the symbolic victim, in particular victims of high profilemurder cases, to refer to the ‘thous<strong>and</strong>s of ordinary citizens who every day areinjured physically by street criminals’ (Cressey, 1992: 61, emphasis added). Yet, it isnot just the direct injury that is of particular importance, it is the fear of crime that isshown to be a form of victimisation. Groups who adopt this stance emphasise therisk that criminals pose to the rest of society. The Trust has chosen to adopt thisstrategy using ‘the voice of the ordinary Kiwi’ (McVicar, 2002b: Section 1) tosymbolise the image of the victim as the ‘blameless, pure stereotype, with whom allcan identify’ (Henderson, 1992: 106). For example, it notes that ‘[i]t takes just amoment for any one of us to become a victim of crime <strong>and</strong> have our lives changedforever’ (Pedler, 2006: Section 3). In this way, the Trust suggests that we are allpotential victims of crime (Henderson, 1992). This treatment of the victim grew outof the resentment of what was thought to be a tendency of criminal justice decisionmakersto protect criminals while ignoring the lawabiding citizen (Fattah, 1992b).General attributes of the organisationThe unique identity of the Trust, combined with the increasing visibility of crime<strong>and</strong> victimisation in the media, has gained it a large following 23 . Using mediaattention from the law <strong>and</strong> order referendum to its advantage, the Trust hope to takethe power to make policy away from the liberal elites in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> (McVicar,2005a). McVicar believes it is these individuals – the ‘wellmeaning, shortsightedliberals’ – that are responsible for the crime problem in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> (quoted inChamberlain, 2006: 74). It is the ‘liberals’ that allowed for the deterioration ofNew Zeal<strong>and</strong> society, with McVicar stating that23The exact number of supporters has not been disclosed by the Sensible Sentencing Trust <strong>and</strong> the listis kept confidential as it contains victims’ details. However McVicar noted in 2006 that theorganisation aimed for 500,000 members by 2008, believing the Trust was halfway there(Chamberlain, 2006). The total population of New Zeal<strong>and</strong> at this time was just over 4 million(Statistics New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, 2006a).46
[New Zeal<strong>and</strong> was] one of the safest countries in the Western world.But while I was out there working frantically [as a farmer] <strong>and</strong>gaining money I allowed the country that I loved to deteriorate towhat it is.(Chamberlain, 2006: 74)Here, McVicar is blaming himself for not intervening <strong>and</strong> allowing insidious elites tolet the country deteriorate to the state that it is in, where there is a lack of respect <strong>and</strong>accountability.One only has to look to the Sensible Sentencing Trust’s mission statement to gain asense of its farreaching aspirations. The statement does not mention direct victims,as it is understood that we are all potential victims of crime, as noted previously.Instead, it reads as follows:To obtain a large base of community support, <strong>and</strong> ensure safety forall New Zeal<strong>and</strong>ers from violent <strong>and</strong> criminal offending, througheducation, development of effective penal policies, <strong>and</strong> the promotionof responsible behaviour, accountable parenting, <strong>and</strong> respect for eachother at all levels of society.(Sensible Sentencing Trust, 2008a: 1, emphasis added)This assurance of safety is somewhat idyllic <strong>and</strong> has managed to draw a wide net ofsupport for the Trust, especially from elderly members of society (such as GreyPower New Zeal<strong>and</strong>) (McVicar, 2007a). Such people have been at the forefront ofthe effects of restructuring in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> society <strong>and</strong> have experienced the variousshifts that have taken place since the postwar years. Moreover, their anxieties <strong>and</strong>insecurities are likely to be crystallised by the representation of crime in the media.As a consequence, the Trust’s aspirations became increasingly attractive. As well assafety, the other characteristics mentioned in the mission statement such asresponsibility, accountability <strong>and</strong> respect are all attributes that promote effectivesentencing policy <strong>and</strong> appear ‘liberal’ in nature. However, on closer inspection, themission statement seems somewhat misleading as the objectives set out by the Trustare highly punitive.The Sensible Sentencing Trust’s objectives focus on what is believed to be the‘sensible’ sentencing of offenders; sentences which would involve the harsh47
- Page 3 and 4: AcknowledgementsWriting this thesis
- Page 5 and 6: ContentsAbstract ..................
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionIn September 2007, New
- Page 9 and 10: Thereafter, the Labourled coaliti
- Page 11 and 12: Postwar Security and Penalwelfa
- Page 13 and 14: the exterior of electoral politics,
- Page 15 and 16: social conditions, towards that whi
- Page 17 and 18: penal policy development where they
- Page 19 and 20: implementation of this legislation.
- Page 21 and 22: increasingly aware of crime, gainin
- Page 23 and 24: immigration was considered a threat
- Page 25 and 26: in agricultural exports, particular
- Page 27 and 28: The time would seem to be appropria
- Page 29 and 30: In keeping crime out of the public
- Page 31 and 32: The Labour Party’s response to th
- Page 33 and 34: across a multitude of family househ
- Page 35 and 36: Changes in New Zealand mediaThe dif
- Page 37 and 38: dominant feature of New Zealand soc
- Page 39 and 40: Despite its manifest contradictions
- Page 41 and 42: Governments and their civil servant
- Page 43 and 44: The Victims Task Force believed tha
- Page 45: eferendum into legislation, motivat
- Page 49 and 50: governments in the hope that ‘suc
- Page 51 and 52: McVicar paints of himself as the
- Page 53 and 54: that New Zealanders have been expos
- Page 55 and 56: This combination of circumstances c
- Page 57 and 58: Sympathy, empathy, commiseration an
- Page 59 and 60: [h]ad not risen from the ‘victims
- Page 61 and 62: illicit a response from the communi
- Page 63 and 64: Reform Bill). The Trust made submis
- Page 65 and 66: The willingness by Opposition MPs t
- Page 67 and 68: I remind [the National Party] that
- Page 69 and 70: However, the Labourled government
- Page 71 and 72: 6). While these opposing parties po
- Page 73 and 74: One development in particular incre
- Page 75 and 76: policymaking 32 . From 2000 to 2006
- Page 77 and 78: had removed suspended sentences as
- Page 79 and 80: Chapter Four:Resistance to Penal Po
- Page 81 and 82: 2004: 44). The situation worsened i
- Page 83 and 84: were designed to address New Zealan
- Page 85 and 86: $3.341 million annually from 2009/2
- Page 87 and 88: organisation, was interested in bur
- Page 89 and 90: Because of the capability of the me
- Page 91 and 92: The case of Graeme BurtonThe second
- Page 93 and 94: ‘parole should be a privilege, no
- Page 95 and 96: given the difficulties in measureme
- Page 97 and 98:
package to prioritise this issue. H
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emained insecure and overtly puniti
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the end of its tenure. As a result,
- Page 103 and 104:
The thesis has explained and analys
- Page 105 and 106:
main determinants are addressed. As
- Page 107 and 108:
Atkinson, J. (2002). Structures of
- Page 109 and 110:
Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008b
- Page 111 and 112:
Cullen, P., & Lloyd, C. (1991). Lob
- Page 113 and 114:
Department of Statistics (N.Z) (199
- Page 115 and 116:
Hall, G., & O'Driscoll, S. (2002).
- Page 117 and 118:
Johnson, R. J., & Ogloff, J. R. P.
- Page 119 and 120:
Maguire, M. (2002). Crime data and
- Page 121 and 122:
Ministry of Justice (2002a). Senten
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New Zealand Parliament (1993a). Cri
- Page 125 and 126:
asket.co.nz.helicon.vuw.ac.nz/searc
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O'Conner, D. (2006). Effective Inte
- Page 129 and 130:
Prisoners in line for waist restrai
- Page 131 and 132:
Sentencing Amendment Act. (2007). R
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http://www.stats.govt.nz/products
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contours of New Zealand (pp. 1111