Support (N.Z), 2008a) 20 . But what sets Victim Support apart from contemporaryvictims’ rights advocates is the fact that they are not only focused on crime victims,they also offer continuing support for those suffering trauma from disasters <strong>and</strong> otherlife crises (Victim Support (N.Z), 2003b, 2008a). Victim Support has remained ageneric victim support agency, <strong>and</strong>, with the support of the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Police,continues to offer advice <strong>and</strong> support to victims of crime <strong>and</strong> trauma. Theorganisation operates on a nonpolitical, noncampaigning platform, <strong>and</strong> because ofthis, has kept a relatively low public profile. In this respect they st<strong>and</strong> separated fromthe subsequent law <strong>and</strong> order pressure group Sensible Sentencing Trust thatadvocates, in a much more public manner, not only victims’ rights but also thepunishment of offenders.Introducing the Sensible Sentencing Trust: ThePressure GroupThe 1999 law <strong>and</strong> order referendum increased public awareness of victimisation <strong>and</strong>violent crime in New Zeal<strong>and</strong>. Around the same time, public attention was drawn towhat seemed to be the contrasting treatment of victim <strong>and</strong> offenders in theNew Zeal<strong>and</strong> justice system. In August 1999, Mark Middleton, the former stepfatherof a murdered teenage girl, learnt that her murderer (Paul Dally) was eligible toapply for parole 21 . In a subsequent television current affairs show (indicative of thesensational style of this genre in New Zeal<strong>and</strong>), Middleton stated: ‘I’ll take him if hecomes out <strong>and</strong> so will my friends <strong>and</strong> we’re organised <strong>and</strong> waiting for him’ ("Threatcould haunt stepfather," 1999). Thereafter, Middleton was convicted of threateningto kill <strong>and</strong> given a nine month suspended sentence ("How Middleton," 2001). Theguilty verdict angered members of the public, including Garth McVicar, a Napierfarmer who felt the sentence seemed to typify the way in which the priorities of thecriminal justice system were all wrong, <strong>and</strong> in particular, were slanted towards theoffender (Pratt & Clark, 2005). The judge’s decision to punish Middleton <strong>and</strong> thefact that, from his point of view, the government had still not put the 199920Since their inception, New Zeal<strong>and</strong> has experienced an enormous growth in the number of VictimSupport offices throughout New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, with numbers rising from just one in 1987 to 71 across thecountry in 13 districts in 2007 (Victim Support (N.Z), 2008a), <strong>and</strong> by 2008 they also received 80percent of their funding from the Crown (Victim Support (N.Z), 2008b).21Paul Dally was sentenced to life imprisonment in March 1990 <strong>and</strong> became eligible for parole inSeptember 1999. He was not granted parole on this instance <strong>and</strong> still remains in prison.44
eferendum into legislation, motivated McVicar to form the Sensible SentencingTrust in March 2001 (McVicar, 2002b: Section 2).The Sensible Sentencing Trust is an anticrime, provictim pressure group whoselobbying began with a specific focus on the recidivist violent offender. As outlinedin their first newsletter, the group’s main goal was to ‘ensure that … horrendouslyviolent murderers never again pose a risk to New Zeal<strong>and</strong> society’ (McVicar, 2001:Par. 5); a move that would necessitate ‘sensible sentencing’ where life would ‘meanlife’ (McVicar, 2001: Par. 15). The Trust first came to public attention in 2002 whenit organised two marches, both of which gained extensive media coverage, due to thedramatic, newsworthy appeal (see Berry, 2002; Boos greet defence," 2002; Murdervictims'," 2002; Tunnah, 2002). The marches took place in Auckl<strong>and</strong> two weeksprior to the election (Tunnah, 2002) <strong>and</strong> in Wellington a week later ("Murdervictims'," 2002). Many of the marchers in the ‘electioncampaign focused rally’(Tunnah, 2002: Par. 5) held crosses, some bearing the names of murder victims, withparticipants chanting the populist ‘warcry’ of ‘enough is enough’ (McVicar, 2006a:Par. 4). While they were intended to be remembrance rallies, the Sensible SentencingTrust used the opportunity to draw attention to violent crime statistics inNew Zeal<strong>and</strong>. Offering no indepth discussion on cause <strong>and</strong> effect, an article in theNew Zeal<strong>and</strong> Herald quoted McVicar, noting that while there were only twohomicides in 1952 ‘[f]ifty years later, the victims of murder or manslaughter for theyears 1992 <strong>and</strong> 2001 totalled 1,204’ (Tunnah, 2002: Par. 4) 22 . The marchessucceeded in attracting the attention of MPs <strong>and</strong> government ministers alike("Campaign diary," 2002). Their attendance demonstrated the power <strong>and</strong> authoritythe Trust had obtained since its inception in 2001 <strong>and</strong> the influence it was beginningto have. It also captures a strategy used by the Trust that is unique to New Zeal<strong>and</strong>penal lobby groups: the Trust actively campaign for the harsh treatment of offenders,whilst simultaneously advocating for victims’ rights. Despite the existence of variousother victims’ groups in New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, the Trust managed to create a separate space<strong>and</strong> unique identity for itself. What it wanted to do was not simply to provide forvictims, but instead, to bring about a more general rebalancing of the criminal justice22McVicar failed to mention the changes in reporting <strong>and</strong> recording of offences, see Maguire (2002)for further detail.45
- Page 3 and 4: AcknowledgementsWriting this thesis
- Page 5 and 6: ContentsAbstract ..................
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionIn September 2007, New
- Page 9 and 10: Thereafter, the Labourled coaliti
- Page 11 and 12: Postwar Security and Penalwelfa
- Page 13 and 14: the exterior of electoral politics,
- Page 15 and 16: social conditions, towards that whi
- Page 17 and 18: penal policy development where they
- Page 19 and 20: implementation of this legislation.
- Page 21 and 22: increasingly aware of crime, gainin
- Page 23 and 24: immigration was considered a threat
- Page 25 and 26: in agricultural exports, particular
- Page 27 and 28: The time would seem to be appropria
- Page 29 and 30: In keeping crime out of the public
- Page 31 and 32: The Labour Party’s response to th
- Page 33 and 34: across a multitude of family househ
- Page 35 and 36: Changes in New Zealand mediaThe dif
- Page 37 and 38: dominant feature of New Zealand soc
- Page 39 and 40: Despite its manifest contradictions
- Page 41 and 42: Governments and their civil servant
- Page 43: The Victims Task Force believed tha
- Page 47 and 48: [New Zealand was] one of the safest
- Page 49 and 50: governments in the hope that ‘suc
- Page 51 and 52: McVicar paints of himself as the
- Page 53 and 54: that New Zealanders have been expos
- Page 55 and 56: This combination of circumstances c
- Page 57 and 58: Sympathy, empathy, commiseration an
- Page 59 and 60: [h]ad not risen from the ‘victims
- Page 61 and 62: illicit a response from the communi
- Page 63 and 64: Reform Bill). The Trust made submis
- Page 65 and 66: The willingness by Opposition MPs t
- Page 67 and 68: I remind [the National Party] that
- Page 69 and 70: However, the Labourled government
- Page 71 and 72: 6). While these opposing parties po
- Page 73 and 74: One development in particular incre
- Page 75 and 76: policymaking 32 . From 2000 to 2006
- Page 77 and 78: had removed suspended sentences as
- Page 79 and 80: Chapter Four:Resistance to Penal Po
- Page 81 and 82: 2004: 44). The situation worsened i
- Page 83 and 84: were designed to address New Zealan
- Page 85 and 86: $3.341 million annually from 2009/2
- Page 87 and 88: organisation, was interested in bur
- Page 89 and 90: Because of the capability of the me
- Page 91 and 92: The case of Graeme BurtonThe second
- Page 93 and 94: ‘parole should be a privilege, no
- Page 95 and 96:
given the difficulties in measureme
- Page 97 and 98:
package to prioritise this issue. H
- Page 99 and 100:
emained insecure and overtly puniti
- Page 101 and 102:
the end of its tenure. As a result,
- Page 103 and 104:
The thesis has explained and analys
- Page 105 and 106:
main determinants are addressed. As
- Page 107 and 108:
Atkinson, J. (2002). Structures of
- Page 109 and 110:
Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008b
- Page 111 and 112:
Cullen, P., & Lloyd, C. (1991). Lob
- Page 113 and 114:
Department of Statistics (N.Z) (199
- Page 115 and 116:
Hall, G., & O'Driscoll, S. (2002).
- Page 117 and 118:
Johnson, R. J., & Ogloff, J. R. P.
- Page 119 and 120:
Maguire, M. (2002). Crime data and
- Page 121 and 122:
Ministry of Justice (2002a). Senten
- Page 123 and 124:
New Zealand Parliament (1993a). Cri
- Page 125 and 126:
asket.co.nz.helicon.vuw.ac.nz/searc
- Page 127 and 128:
O'Conner, D. (2006). Effective Inte
- Page 129 and 130:
Prisoners in line for waist restrai
- Page 131 and 132:
Sentencing Amendment Act. (2007). R
- Page 133 and 134:
http://www.stats.govt.nz/products
- Page 135 and 136:
contours of New Zealand (pp. 1111