established to protect victims of domestic violence (Rape Crisis Dunedin, n.d) 19 .Groups such as these were resisting, what were considered to be, the dominantsocietal structures to confront gendered power relations (Foucault, 1994). In makingthis challenge, the agencies hoped to bring about positive social <strong>and</strong> legal changethat would see women (<strong>and</strong> certain groups of men) empowered. The sentencing <strong>and</strong>treatment of offenders, however, was still left to policymakers <strong>and</strong> experts.Another significant development to take place within the victim’s movement inNew Zeal<strong>and</strong> was the inception of the Victims Task Force in 1987. This Task Forceinvestigated the ‘most appropriate models which could be used to develop policyinitiatives in the area of victim support’, whilst simultaneously working with otherpublic agencies ‘in developing awareness of victims’ needs <strong>and</strong> how best to meetthem’ (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Parliament, 1989: Par. 2). The Victims Task Force was able tooversee the treatment of victims in the criminal justice system <strong>and</strong> maderecommendations to government as to how these should be enacted (New Zeal<strong>and</strong>Victims Task Force, 1993). In 1989, then Minister of Justice Bill Jefferies outlined anumber of task force recommendations, which included: the production of a videoproviding victims with information about the court process, the organisation ofseminars to bring together groups working in victim support, the distribution ofleaflets informing victims of the provisions in the upcoming Victims of Offences Act<strong>and</strong> the allocation of funding, together with the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Police, for thecompilation of victim statistics (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Parliament, 1989). The Victims ofOffences Act, implemented concurrently, was further used ‘to make better provisionfor the treatment of victims of criminal offences’ (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Victims Task Force,1993: 99). The Victims of Offences Act 1987 introduced radical change into thecriminal justice system,looking back over a thous<strong>and</strong> years to reintroduce the victim of acrime as a person with a special interest in the pursuit of justice, <strong>and</strong>deserving special acknowledgement for the experience they have hadforced upon them.(New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Victims Task Force, 1993: 75)19Interestingly, Rape Crisis, the National Network for Stopping Violence <strong>and</strong> the National Collectiveof Women’s Refuges did not support the 1999 referendum because they stated that the question wastoo confusing to be valid (Milne, 2000)42
The Victims Task Force believed that if all the provisions set out in the Victims ofOffences Act were achieved, the quality of justice provided to all New Zeal<strong>and</strong>erswould be improved (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Victims Task Force, 1993). These steps signifiedthe government’s attempt to include the victim in the criminal justice process, wherethey were to be better informed on criminal justice matters.In 1986, another major development for victims’ groups in New Zeal<strong>and</strong> was theestablishment of the first Victim Support office in Gisborne by police officer KevinJoblin (Victim Support (N.Z), 2006). Victim Support Schemes had been introducedin Britain in 1974 <strong>and</strong> were concerned above all else with the care <strong>and</strong> welfare ofvictims (Maguire & Corbett, 1987). The early British Victim Support’s primaryobjective was simple: ‘to act as a “good neighbour”, or perhaps “good Samaritan”, topeople who had suffered at the h<strong>and</strong>s of the thief or assailant’ (Maguire & Corbett,1987: 2). The New Zeal<strong>and</strong> model was largely based on the British example but hadseveral other defining characteristics that illustrated the government’s commitmentto victims: the services were based in local police stations, Victim Support was givenfull access to police records, <strong>and</strong> the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Police provided ‘full logisticalsupport to their local Victim Support Group’ (Outtrim, 1999: 3). After the initialinception of Victim Support in Gisborne, several Victim Support services emergedoffering voluntary services to victims. The ad hoc community based groups wereestablished to provide professional support <strong>and</strong> assistance to all crime, accident <strong>and</strong>emergency victims <strong>and</strong> witnesses at large, as well as their relatives <strong>and</strong> friends(Victim Support (N.Z), 2003a).In March 1993, the new National government announced the disestablishment of theVictims Task Force claiming that it had been introduced on a limited five year planas part of the Labour government’s ‘radical’ Victims of Offences Act (New Zeal<strong>and</strong>Parliament, 1993b: Par. 2). As a result, government funding, which had previouslygone to this organisation, was transferred to various Victim Support groups aroundNew Zeal<strong>and</strong>, widening the scope of Victim Support (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Parliament,1996b). Victim Support agencies were then able to offer a wider range of services tothose in need <strong>and</strong> have since continued to assist victims of crime throughcounselling, court support, attendance at trials <strong>and</strong> parole board hearings (Victim43
- Page 3 and 4: AcknowledgementsWriting this thesis
- Page 5 and 6: ContentsAbstract ..................
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionIn September 2007, New
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- Page 25 and 26: in agricultural exports, particular
- Page 27 and 28: The time would seem to be appropria
- Page 29 and 30: In keeping crime out of the public
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- Page 33 and 34: across a multitude of family househ
- Page 35 and 36: Changes in New Zealand mediaThe dif
- Page 37 and 38: dominant feature of New Zealand soc
- Page 39 and 40: Despite its manifest contradictions
- Page 41: Governments and their civil servant
- Page 45 and 46: eferendum into legislation, motivat
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- Page 49 and 50: governments in the hope that ‘suc
- Page 51 and 52: McVicar paints of himself as the
- Page 53 and 54: that New Zealanders have been expos
- Page 55 and 56: This combination of circumstances c
- Page 57 and 58: Sympathy, empathy, commiseration an
- Page 59 and 60: [h]ad not risen from the ‘victims
- Page 61 and 62: illicit a response from the communi
- Page 63 and 64: Reform Bill). The Trust made submis
- Page 65 and 66: The willingness by Opposition MPs t
- Page 67 and 68: I remind [the National Party] that
- Page 69 and 70: However, the Labourled government
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- Page 77 and 78: had removed suspended sentences as
- Page 79 and 80: Chapter Four:Resistance to Penal Po
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- Page 83 and 84: were designed to address New Zealan
- Page 85 and 86: $3.341 million annually from 2009/2
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- Page 89 and 90: Because of the capability of the me
- Page 91 and 92: The case of Graeme BurtonThe second
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‘parole should be a privilege, no
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given the difficulties in measureme
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package to prioritise this issue. H
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emained insecure and overtly puniti
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the end of its tenure. As a result,
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The thesis has explained and analys
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main determinants are addressed. As
- Page 107 and 108:
Atkinson, J. (2002). Structures of
- Page 109 and 110:
Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008b
- Page 111 and 112:
Cullen, P., & Lloyd, C. (1991). Lob
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Department of Statistics (N.Z) (199
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Hall, G., & O'Driscoll, S. (2002).
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Johnson, R. J., & Ogloff, J. R. P.
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Maguire, M. (2002). Crime data and
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Ministry of Justice (2002a). Senten
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New Zealand Parliament (1993a). Cri
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asket.co.nz.helicon.vuw.ac.nz/searc
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O'Conner, D. (2006). Effective Inte
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Prisoners in line for waist restrai
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Sentencing Amendment Act. (2007). R
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http://www.stats.govt.nz/products
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contours of New Zealand (pp. 1111