of the total population (New Zeal<strong>and</strong> official yearbook, 1954) 10 . Interestingly, thishigh rate of Māori imprisonment was bypassed in the report. What was ofimportance to the government, however, was the high rate of imprisonment overall,with the Minister of Justice noting that ‘in relation to population, we have 50 percent more people in our prisons daily than they have in Engl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Wales’(Department of Justice, 1954: 3). The report attempted to reduce the prisonpopulation by ‘divert[ing] men from a life of crime’ (Department of Justice, 1954:6). At the same time, the report placed strong emphasis on the training <strong>and</strong>rehabilitation of prisoners noting that as a main objective ‘[p]risoners … should notonly be detained, they should be trained’ (Department of Justice, 1954: 17). Whenoffenders did not respond to treatment, they continued to be dealt to without recourseto the penal extremes of later years. The Department of Justice (1954: 6) notes, forexample, that[t]here is no safety in undue severity. There is no room foremotionalism. The reformable must be trained for citizenship; thedeliberate <strong>and</strong> persistent offender must be removed from thecommunity for a long period of time.Therefore, in the postwar period, those citizens whose difficulties had led them tocrime, but who were responding to treatment, were dealt with leniently, while thosewho were not responding to treatment were detained indefinitely. The emphasis inboth scenarios was the consistent treatment of the offender.The need to reduce the prison population was emphasised in ensuing annual reportsfrom the Department of Justice (see Department of Justice, 1957, 1965).Nonetheless, prison musters continued to rise. <strong>By</strong> 1957 the male inmate population(including borstals <strong>and</strong> excluding minor prisons <strong>and</strong> police gaols) had increased bytwenty percent over a twelve month period, from 1,083 men to 1,302 men(Department of Justice, 1957). The Minister of Justice stated in the 1957 AnnualReport of the Department of Justice that the figures were ‘disturbing’ concluding:10Later publications of the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Official Yearbook <strong>and</strong> the Annual Reports from theDepartment of justice show sentenced <strong>and</strong> rem<strong>and</strong> prisoners rather than convictions; the data is thusnot strictly comparable with present data.26
The time would seem to be appropriate to consider whether othermethods could not be adopted, <strong>and</strong> to question whether there are notin prison many men who should not be held in penal institutions.(Department of Justice, 1957: 11)Accordingly, this report highlighted that imprisonment should only be used forserious offenders (Department of Justice, 1957). While the report still adopted penalwelfare attributes, noting that alternative measures of treatment should be soughtwherever possible, it does not specify how this should be dealt with.<strong>By</strong> 1965 penal discourse had shifted once more. The 1965 Annual Report of theDepartment of Justice (1965: 5) notes that the persistent offender is a main priority‘against whom none of the existing measures of the criminal law has been, or islikely to be, of any avail’. This suggests that those attributes associated with penalwelfarism had done little to tackle the problem of the recidivist offender. It wasbeginning to be recognised that the commitment to treatment <strong>and</strong> rehabilitation wasnot going to solve all crime problems.(b) The ‘Report of the Penal Policy Review Committee’The commitment shown to penalwelfarism during the early postwar years did littleto reduce crime or the continued rise in imprisonment. This resulted in the decline offaith in penalwelfarism from the 1970s, as policymakers sought new ways ofresponding to crime. Hence, the suggestion by the Department of Justice (1980) thata review of penal policy take place. Following this, in 1981, the second pivotaldocument to have a profound influence on penal policy development emerged. The‘Report of the Penal Policy Review Committee’ (1981b: 39) continued to regard thereduction in the prison population as the top priority where the aim was ‘to considerthe means by which the incidence of imprisonment can be reduced to the greatestdegree …’. The means by which the reduction took place, however, provided acomplete contrast to the objectives set out in the 1954 report (Department of Justice,1954). The Penal Policy Review Committee (hereafter referred to as the Committee)argued that policy up until the 1980s had been inconsistent, with conflictingobjectives, <strong>and</strong> this had ‘bred some degree of uncertainty <strong>and</strong> confusion’ betweenthose implementing, administrating <strong>and</strong> imposing penal sanctions (Penal PolicyReview Committee, 1981a: 4). The Committee held the belief that this uncertainty27
- Page 3 and 4: AcknowledgementsWriting this thesis
- Page 5 and 6: ContentsAbstract ..................
- Page 7 and 8: IntroductionIn September 2007, New
- Page 9 and 10: Thereafter, the Labourled coaliti
- Page 11 and 12: Postwar Security and Penalwelfa
- Page 13 and 14: the exterior of electoral politics,
- Page 15 and 16: social conditions, towards that whi
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- Page 21 and 22: increasingly aware of crime, gainin
- Page 23 and 24: immigration was considered a threat
- Page 25: in agricultural exports, particular
- Page 29 and 30: In keeping crime out of the public
- Page 31 and 32: The Labour Party’s response to th
- Page 33 and 34: across a multitude of family househ
- Page 35 and 36: Changes in New Zealand mediaThe dif
- Page 37 and 38: dominant feature of New Zealand soc
- Page 39 and 40: Despite its manifest contradictions
- Page 41 and 42: Governments and their civil servant
- Page 43 and 44: The Victims Task Force believed tha
- Page 45 and 46: eferendum into legislation, motivat
- Page 47 and 48: [New Zealand was] one of the safest
- Page 49 and 50: governments in the hope that ‘suc
- Page 51 and 52: McVicar paints of himself as the
- Page 53 and 54: that New Zealanders have been expos
- Page 55 and 56: This combination of circumstances c
- Page 57 and 58: Sympathy, empathy, commiseration an
- Page 59 and 60: [h]ad not risen from the ‘victims
- Page 61 and 62: illicit a response from the communi
- Page 63 and 64: Reform Bill). The Trust made submis
- Page 65 and 66: The willingness by Opposition MPs t
- Page 67 and 68: I remind [the National Party] that
- Page 69 and 70: However, the Labourled government
- Page 71 and 72: 6). While these opposing parties po
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- Page 75 and 76: policymaking 32 . From 2000 to 2006
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had removed suspended sentences as
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Chapter Four:Resistance to Penal Po
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2004: 44). The situation worsened i
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were designed to address New Zealan
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$3.341 million annually from 2009/2
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organisation, was interested in bur
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Because of the capability of the me
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The case of Graeme BurtonThe second
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‘parole should be a privilege, no
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given the difficulties in measureme
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package to prioritise this issue. H
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emained insecure and overtly puniti
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the end of its tenure. As a result,
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The thesis has explained and analys
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main determinants are addressed. As
- Page 107 and 108:
Atkinson, J. (2002). Structures of
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Bureau of Justice Statistics (2008b
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Cullen, P., & Lloyd, C. (1991). Lob
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Department of Statistics (N.Z) (199
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Hall, G., & O'Driscoll, S. (2002).
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Johnson, R. J., & Ogloff, J. R. P.
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Maguire, M. (2002). Crime data and
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Ministry of Justice (2002a). Senten
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New Zealand Parliament (1993a). Cri
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asket.co.nz.helicon.vuw.ac.nz/searc
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O'Conner, D. (2006). Effective Inte
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Prisoners in line for waist restrai
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Sentencing Amendment Act. (2007). R
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http://www.stats.govt.nz/products
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contours of New Zealand (pp. 1111