The Condition of Postmodernity 13 - autonomous learning
The Condition of Postmodernity 13 - autonomous learning The Condition of Postmodernity 13 - autonomous learning
106 The passage from modernity to postmodernitydestroy, past investments and labour skills. Creative destruction isembedded within the circulation of capital itself. Innovation exacerbatesinstability, insecurity, and in the end, becomes the prime forcepushing capitalism into periodic paroxysms of crisis. Not only doesthe life of modern industry become a series of periods of moderateactivity, prosperity, over-production, crisis, and stagnation, 'but theuncertainty and instability to which machinery subjects the employment,and consequently the conditions of existence, of the operativesbecome normal.' Furthermore:All means for the development of production transform themselvesinto means of domination over, and exploitation of, theproducers; they mutilate the labourer into a fragment of a man,degrade him to the level of an appendage of a machine, destroyevery remnant of charm in his work and turn it into a hatedtoil; they estrange from him the intellectual potentialities of thelabour-process in the same proportion as science is incorporatedin it as an independent power; they distort the conditionsunder which he works, subject him during the labour-processto a despotism the more hateful for its meanness; they transformhis life-time into working-time, and drag his wife and childbeneath the wheels of the Juggernaut of capital. (Capital, 1:604)The struggle to maintain profitability sends capitalists racing off toexplore all kinds of other possibilities. New product lines are openedup, and that means the creation of new wants and needs. Capitalistsare forced to redouble their efforts to create new needs in others,thus emphasizing the cultivation of imaginary appetites and the roleof fantasy, caprice and whim. The result is to exacerbate insecurityand instability, as masses of capital and workers shift from one lineof production to another, leaving whole sectors devastated, while theperpetual flux in consumer wants, tastes, and needs becomes a permanentlocus of uncertainty and struggle. New spaces are necessarilyopened up as capitalists seek new markets, new sources of rawmaterials, fresh labour power, and new and more profitable sites forproduction operations. The drive to relocate to more advantageousplaces (the geographical movement of both capital and labour) periodicallyrevolutionizes the international and territorial division oflabour, adding a vital geographical dimension to the insecurity. Theresultant transformation in the experience of space and place ismatched by revolutions in the time dimension, as capitalists strive toreduce the turnover time of their capital to 'the twinkling of an eye'M oderniz ation 107(see below, Part III). Capitalism, in short, is a social system internalizingrules that ensure it will remain a permanently revolutionaryand disruptive force in its own world history. If, therefore, 'the only'secure thing about modernity is insecurity,' then it is not hard to seetrom where that insecurity derives.Yet, Marx insists, there is a single unitary principle at work thatunderpins and frames all of this revolutionary upheaval, fragmentation,and perpetual insecurity. The principle resides in what he calls, mostabstractly, 'value in motion' or, more simply, the circulation ofcapital restlessly and perpetually seeking new ways to garner profits.By the same token, there are higher-order co-ordinating systems thatseem to have the power - though in the end Marx will insist thatthis power is itself transitory and illusory - to bring order to all thischaos and set the path of capitalist modernization on a more stableterrain. The credit system, for example, embodies a certain power togulate money uses; money flows can be switched so as to stabilizerelations between production and consumption, to arbitrate betweencurrent expenditures and future needs, and to shift surpluses ofcapital from one line of production or region to another on a rationalbasis. But here, too, we immediately encounter a central contradictionbecause credit creation and disbursement can never be separatedfrom speculation. Credit is, according to Marx, always to beaccount.ed for as 'fictitious capital,' as some kind of money bet onproduction that does not yet exist. The result is a permanent tensionbetween what Marx calls 'the financial system' (credit paper, fictitiouscapi al, financial instruments of all kinds) and its 'monetary base'(unul recently attached to some tangible commodity such as gold orsilver). This contradiction is founded on a particular paradox: moneyhas to take some tangible form (gold, coin, notes, entries in a ledger,etc.) even though it is a general representation of all social labour.The question of which of the diverse tangible representations is 'real'money typically erupts at times of crisis. Is it better to hold stocksand share certificates, notes, gold, or cans of tuna, in the midst of adepression? It also follows that whoever controls the tangible form(the gold producers, the state, the banks who issue credit) that ismost 'real' at a given time, has enormous social influence, even if, inthe last instance, it is the producers and exchangers of commoditiesin aggregate who effectively define 'the value of money' (a paradoxicalterm which we all understand, but which technically signifies'the value of value'). Control over the rules of money formation is,as a consequence, a strongly contested terrain of struggle which generatesconsiderable insecurity and uncertainty as to the 'value of value.'In speculative booms, a financial system which starts out by appearing
108 The passage from modernity to postmodernityas a sane device for regulating the incoherent tendencies of capitalistproduction, ends up becoming 'the main lever for overproductionand over-speculation.' The fact that postmodernist architecture regardsitself as being about fiction rather than function appears, in thelight of the reputations of the financiers, property developers, andspeculators that organize construction, more than a little apt.The state, constituted as a coercive system of authority that has amonopoly over institutionalized violence, forms a second organizingprinciple through which a ruling class can seek to impose its will notonly upon its opponents but upon the anarchical flux, change, anduncertainty to which capitalist modernity is always prone. The toolsvary from regulation of money and legal guarantees of fair marketcontracts, through fiscal interventions, credit creation, and tax redistributions,to provision of social and physical infrastructures, directcontrol over capital and labour allocations as well as over wages andprices, the nationalization of key sectors, restrictions on workingclasspower, police surveillance, and military repression and the like.Yet the state is a territorial entity struggling to impose its will upon afluid and spatially open process of capital circulation. It has tocontest within its borders the factional forces and fragmenting effectsof widespread individualism, rapid social change, and all theephemerality that typically attaches to capital circulation. It alsodepends on taxation and credit markets, so that states can be disciplinedby the circulation process at the same time as they can seekto promote particular strategies of capital accumulation.To do so effectively the state must construct an alternative sense ofcommunity to that based on money, as well as a definition of publicinterests over and above the class and secretarian interests and strugglesthat are contained within its borders. It must, in short, legitimizeitself. It is, therefore, bound to engage to some degree in the aestheticizationof politics. This issue is addressed in Marx's classic study ofThe eighteenth brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. How is it, he thereasks, that even at the height of revolutionary ferment, the revolutionariesthemselves 'anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past totheir service and borrow from them names, battle cries and costumesin order to present the new scene of world history in this timehonoureddisguise and borrowed language'? The 'awakening of thedead in [bourgeois J revolutions served the purpose of glorifying thenew struggles, not of parodying the old; of magnifying the giventask in imagination, not fleeing from its solution in reality; of findingonce more the spirit of revolution, not of making its ghost walkabout again.' The invocation of myth may have played a key role inpast revolutions, but here Marx strives to deny what Sorel was laterM oderniz at ion 109to affirm. 'The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannotdraw .its poetry from the past,' Marx argues, 'but only from thefuture.' It must strip off 'all superstition in regard to the past,' else'the tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare onthe brain of the living' and converts the cathartic tragedy of revolutioninto the ritual of farce. In pitting himself so mercilessly against thepower of myth and the aestheticization of politics, Marx in effectaffirms their remarkable powers to stifle progressive working-classrevolutions. Bonapartism was, for Marx, a form of 'caesarism' (withall its classical allusions) that could, in the person of Louis Bonaparteassuming the mantle of his uncle, block the revolutionary aspirationsof the progressive bourgeoisie and the working class alike. Thus didMarx come to terms with the aesthetization of politics that fascismlater achieved in far more virulent form.The tension between the fixity (and hence stability) that stateregulation imposes, and the fluid motion of capital flow, remains acrucial problem for the social and political organization of capitalism.This difficulty (to which we shall return in Part II) is modified bythe way in which the state stands itself to be disciplined by internalforces (upon which it relies for its power) and external conditions -competition in the world economy, exchange rates, and capital movements,migration, or, on occasion, direct political interventions onthe part of superior powers. The relation between capitalist developmentand the state has to be seen, therefore, as mutually determiningrather then unidirectional. State power can, in the end, be neithermore nor less stable than the political economy of capitalist modernitywill allow.There are, however, many positive aspects to capitalist modernity.The potential command over nature that arises as capitalism 'rendsthe veil' over the mysteries of production holds a tremendous potentialfor reducing the powers of nature-imposed necessities over ourlives. The creation of new wants and needs can alert us to newcultural possibilities (of the sort that avant-garde artists were later toexplore). Even the 'variation of labour, fluency of function, universalmobility of the labourer' demanded by modern industry, holds thepotential to replace the fragmented worker 'by the fully developedindividual, fit for a variety of labours, ready to face any change ofproduction, and to whom the different functions he performs, arebut so many modes of giving free scope to his own natural andacquired powers' (Capital, 1 :458). The reduction of spatial barriersand the formation of the world market not only allows a generalizedaccess to the diversified products of different regions and climes, butalso puts us into direct contact with all the peoples of the earth.
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106 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to postmodernitydestroy, past investments and labour skills. Creative destruction isembedded within the circulation <strong>of</strong> capital itself. Innovation exacerbatesinstability, insecurity, and in the end, becomes the prime forcepushing capitalism into periodic paroxysms <strong>of</strong> crisis. Not only doesthe life <strong>of</strong> modern industry become a series <strong>of</strong> periods <strong>of</strong> moderateactivity, prosperity, over-production, crisis, and stagnation, 'but theuncertainty and instability to which machinery subjects the employment,and consequently the conditions <strong>of</strong> existence, <strong>of</strong> the operativesbecome normal.' Furthermore:All means for the development <strong>of</strong> production transform themselvesinto means <strong>of</strong> domination over, and exploitation <strong>of</strong>, theproducers; they mutilate the labourer into a fragment <strong>of</strong> a man,degrade him to the level <strong>of</strong> an appendage <strong>of</strong> a machine, destroyevery remnant <strong>of</strong> charm in his work and turn it into a hatedtoil; they estrange from him the intellectual potentialities <strong>of</strong> thelabour-process in the same proportion as science is incorporatedin it as an independent power; they distort the conditionsunder which he works, subject him during the labour-processto a despotism the more hateful for its meanness; they transformhis life-time into working-time, and drag his wife and childbeneath the wheels <strong>of</strong> the Juggernaut <strong>of</strong> capital. (Capital, 1:604)<strong>The</strong> struggle to maintain pr<strong>of</strong>itability sends capitalists racing <strong>of</strong>f toexplore all kinds <strong>of</strong> other possibilities. New product lines are openedup, and that means the creation <strong>of</strong> new wants and needs. Capitalistsare forced to redouble their efforts to create new needs in others,thus emphasizing the cultivation <strong>of</strong> imaginary appetites and the role<strong>of</strong> fantasy, caprice and whim. <strong>The</strong> result is to exacerbate insecurityand instability, as masses <strong>of</strong> capital and workers shift from one line<strong>of</strong> production to another, leaving whole sectors devastated, while theperpetual flux in consumer wants, tastes, and needs becomes a permanentlocus <strong>of</strong> uncertainty and struggle. New spaces are necessarilyopened up as capitalists seek new markets, new sources <strong>of</strong> rawmaterials, fresh labour power, and new and more pr<strong>of</strong>itable sites forproduction operations. <strong>The</strong> drive to relocate to more advantageousplaces (the geographical movement <strong>of</strong> both capital and labour) periodicallyrevolutionizes the international and territorial division <strong>of</strong>labour, adding a vital geographical dimension to the insecurity. <strong>The</strong>resultant transformation in the experience <strong>of</strong> space and place ismatched by revolutions in the time dimension, as capitalists strive toreduce the turnover time <strong>of</strong> their capital to 'the twinkling <strong>of</strong> an eye'M oderniz ation 107(see below, Part III). Capitalism, in short, is a social system internalizingrules that ensure it will remain a permanently revolutionaryand disruptive force in its own world history. If, therefore, 'the only'secure thing about modernity is insecurity,' then it is not hard to seetrom where that insecurity derives.Yet, Marx insists, there is a single unitary principle at work thatunderpins and frames all <strong>of</strong> this revolutionary upheaval, fragmentation,and perpetual insecurity. <strong>The</strong> principle resides in what he calls, mostabstractly, 'value in motion' or, more simply, the circulation <strong>of</strong>capital restlessly and perpetually seeking new ways to garner pr<strong>of</strong>its.By the same token, there are higher-order co-ordinating systems thatseem to have the power - though in the end Marx will insist thatthis power is itself transitory and illusory - to bring order to all thischaos and set the path <strong>of</strong> capitalist modernization on a more stableterrain. <strong>The</strong> credit system, for example, embodies a certain power togulate money uses; money flows can be switched so as to stabilizerelations between production and consumption, to arbitrate betweencurrent expenditures and future needs, and to shift surpluses <strong>of</strong>capital from one line <strong>of</strong> production or region to another on a rationalbasis. But here, too, we immediately encounter a central contradictionbecause credit creation and disbursement can never be separatedfrom speculation. Credit is, according to Marx, always to beaccount.ed for as 'fictitious capital,' as some kind <strong>of</strong> money bet onproduction that does not yet exist. <strong>The</strong> result is a permanent tensionbetween what Marx calls 'the financial system' (credit paper, fictitiouscapi al, financial instruments <strong>of</strong> all kinds) and its 'monetary base'(unul recently attached to some tangible commodity such as gold orsilver). This contradiction is founded on a particular paradox: moneyhas to take some tangible form (gold, coin, notes, entries in a ledger,etc.) even though it is a general representation <strong>of</strong> all social labour.<strong>The</strong> question <strong>of</strong> which <strong>of</strong> the diverse tangible representations is 'real'money typically erupts at times <strong>of</strong> crisis. Is it better to hold stocksand share certificates, notes, gold, or cans <strong>of</strong> tuna, in the midst <strong>of</strong> adepression? It also follows that whoever controls the tangible form(the gold producers, the state, the banks who issue credit) that ismost 'real' at a given time, has enormous social influence, even if, inthe last instance, it is the producers and exchangers <strong>of</strong> commoditiesin aggregate who effectively define 'the value <strong>of</strong> money' (a paradoxicalterm which we all understand, but which technically signifies'the value <strong>of</strong> value'). Control over the rules <strong>of</strong> money formation is,as a consequence, a strongly contested terrain <strong>of</strong> struggle which generatesconsiderable insecurity and uncertainty as to the 'value <strong>of</strong> value.'In speculative booms, a financial system which starts out by appearing