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The Condition of Postmodernity 13 - autonomous learning

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34 <strong>The</strong> passage from modernity to postmodernitymounted against a socialist city). But the configurations wer unstable.No sooner had doctrines <strong>of</strong> socialist realism been enuncIated as arejoinder to 'decadent' bourgeois modernism and fascist naionalis,than popular front politics on the part <strong>of</strong> many commUnIst partesled to a swing back to nationalist art and culture .as a meas to UnIteproletarian with wavering middle-class forces m the unIted frontagainst fascism.. ' .Many artists <strong>of</strong> the avant-garde tried to resIst such dIrect socIalreferencing and cast their net far and wide for more universal mythologicalstatements. T. S. Eliot created a virtual melting l?ot <strong>of</strong>imagery and languages drawn from every corner <strong>of</strong> the earth m <strong>The</strong>Waste Land, and Picasso (amongst others) plundered the world . <strong>of</strong>primitive (particularly African) art during some <strong>of</strong> his ore creativephases. During the inter-war years there was somethmg desperateabout the search for a mythology that could somehow straightensociety out in such troubled times. Raphael . (198 .1 : xii) capt1res tedilemmas in his trenchant but sympathetic cntIque <strong>of</strong> PICasso sGuernica:<strong>The</strong> reason for which Picasso was compelled to resort to signsand allegones should now be clear enough: his utter politicalhelplessness in the face <strong>of</strong> a historical situation which he set outto record; his titanic effort to confront a particular historicalevent with an allegedly eternal truth; his desire to give hopeand comfort and to provide a happy ending, to compensate forthe terror, the destruction, and inhumanity <strong>of</strong> the event. Picassodid not see what Goya had already seen, namely, that the course<strong>of</strong> history can be changed only by historical means and only ifmen shape their own history instead <strong>of</strong> acting as the automaton<strong>of</strong> an earthly power or an allegedly eternal idea.Unfortunately, as Georges Sorel (1974) suggested in his brilliantReflections on violence, first published in 1908, it was possible toinvenṭ m'yths that might have a consuming power over class politics.SyndIcalIsm <strong>of</strong> the sort that Sorel promoted originated as a parti­CIpatory movement <strong>of</strong> the left, deeply antagonistic to all forms <strong>of</strong>state power, but evolved into a corporatist movement (attractive tosomeone like Le Corbusier in the 1930s) that became a powerfulorganizing tool <strong>of</strong> the fascist right. In so doing it was able to appealt certain myths <strong>of</strong> a hierarchically ordered but nevertheless parti­Clpatory and exclusive community, with clear identity and closesocal .bondin?, replete with its own myths <strong>of</strong> origin and omnipotence.It IS mstructIve to note how heavily fascism drew upon classicalModernity and modernism 35references (architecturally, politic lly, historically) and built my tho­ogical .conceptions accordingly. Raphael (1981, 95) suggests anmterestmg reason: the Greeks 'were always conscious <strong>of</strong> the nationalcharacter <strong>of</strong> their mythology, whereas the Christians always ascribedto theirs a value independent <strong>of</strong> space and time.' <strong>The</strong> German philosopherHeidegger likewise in part based his allegiance to theprinciples (if not the practices) <strong>of</strong> Nazism on his rejection <strong>of</strong> auniversalzing machine ratinality as an appropriate mythology formodern hfe. He proposed, mstead, a counter-myth <strong>of</strong> rootedness inplae and environmentally-bound traditions as the only secure foundationfor political and social action in a manifestly troubled world(see Part III).t!he aestheticization <strong>of</strong> politics through the production<strong>of</strong> such all-consuming myths (<strong>of</strong> which Nazism was but one) was thetragic side <strong>of</strong> the modernist project that became more and moresalient as the 'he:oic' era caI?e crashing to an end in World War IUIf the modernIsm <strong>of</strong> the Inter-war years was 'heroic' but fraugntwith . disaster, the 'unvrsal' or 'h...El:!::!!ir.I.·ubal.l:>ecame hegemonICafter 1945 exhIbited a much more comfortable relation to theao mmant power centres in society. <strong>The</strong> contested search for anpproprate myth appeared to abate in part, I suspect, because themternatIonal power system - organized, as we shall see in Part II,along Fordist-Keynesian lines under the watchful eye <strong>of</strong> US hegemony- itself became relatively stable. High modernist art, architectur,literature, etc. became establishment arts and practices in asOCl .ety where a corporate capitalist version <strong>of</strong> the Enlightenmentproject <strong>of</strong> development for progress and human emancipation heldsway as a political-economic dominant.he belief .'in linear progress, absolute truths, and rational planning<strong>of</strong> Ideal socI . al orders' u?der standardized conditions <strong>of</strong> knowledgeand productIOn was particularly strong. <strong>The</strong> modernism that resultedwas, as a result, 'positivistic, technocentric, and rationalistic' at thesame time as it was imposed as the work <strong>of</strong> an elite avant-garde <strong>of</strong>planners, artists, architects, critics, and other guardians <strong>of</strong> high taste.<strong>The</strong> 'modernization' <strong>of</strong> European economies proceeded apace, whileth ",:"hole thrust <strong>of</strong> international politics and trade was justified asbnngmg a benevolent and progressive 'modernization process' to abackward Third World.In architecture, for example, the ideas <strong>of</strong> the ClAM, <strong>of</strong> LeCo:buier, and <strong>of</strong> Mies van der Rohe, held sway in the struggle torevitalIze war-torn or ageing cities (reconstruction and urban renewal),to reorganize transport systems, build factories, hospitals,schools, state works <strong>of</strong> all kinds, and last, but not least, to buildadequate housing for a potentially restless working class. It is easy in

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