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English Language Teaching in its Social Context

English Language Teaching in its Social Context

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SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNING: CONCEPTS AND ISSUES 21The relationship between second language use and second language learn<strong>in</strong>gIn an earlier section we considcred the dist<strong>in</strong>ction bctween language competence andperformance, which many l<strong>in</strong>guists havc found useful. Here, we look more closely at theconcept of pcrformance, and <strong>in</strong> particular, look at the possible relationship between us<strong>in</strong>g(i.e. perform<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>) an L2, and learn<strong>in</strong>g (i.e. develop<strong>in</strong>g onc’s competence <strong>in</strong>) that samelanguage.We should note first of all, of course, that ‘perform<strong>in</strong>g’ <strong>in</strong> a language not only <strong>in</strong>volvesspeak<strong>in</strong>g it. Mak<strong>in</strong>g sense of the language data that wc hear around us is an equally essentialaspect of performance. Indeed, it is basic common ground among all theorists of languagelearn<strong>in</strong>g, of whatever description, that it is necessary to <strong>in</strong>terprct and to process <strong>in</strong>com<strong>in</strong>glanguage data <strong>in</strong> some form, for normal language development to take place.Therc is thusa consensus that language <strong>in</strong>put of some k<strong>in</strong>d is essential for normal language learn<strong>in</strong>g. In fact,dur<strong>in</strong>g the late 1970s and carly 1980s, the view was argued by Stephcn Krashen and othersthat <strong>in</strong>put (at thc right level of difficulty) was all that was necessary for L2 acquisition to takeplace (Krashen 1982, 1985). This position has been viewed by more reccnt theorists as<strong>in</strong>adequate, but a modified and ref<strong>in</strong>ed version has been developed.Krashen was unusual <strong>in</strong> not see<strong>in</strong>g any central role for language production <strong>in</strong> his thcoryof second language acquisition. Most other theoretical vicwpo<strong>in</strong>ts support <strong>in</strong> some formthe common-sense view that speak<strong>in</strong>g a language is helpful for learn<strong>in</strong>g it, though they offera wide variety of explanations as to why this should be the casc. For example, behaviouristlearn<strong>in</strong>g theory saw regular (oral) practice as helpful <strong>in</strong> form<strong>in</strong>g correct language ‘hab<strong>its</strong>’.This view has becomc less popular <strong>in</strong> reccnt decades, as part of l<strong>in</strong>guists’ general loss of<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> bchaviourist th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g.However, various contcmporary theorists still lay stress on thc ‘practicc’ function oflanguage production, especially <strong>in</strong> build<strong>in</strong>g up fluency and control of an emergent L2 system.For example, <strong>in</strong>formation process<strong>in</strong>g theorists commonly arguc that language competenceconsists of both a knowledge component (‘know<strong>in</strong>g that’) and a skill component (‘know<strong>in</strong>ghow’). While they may accept a variety of possible sources for the first component,researchers <strong>in</strong> this perspcctive agree <strong>in</strong> sec<strong>in</strong>g a vital role for L2 use/L2 performance <strong>in</strong>dcvelop<strong>in</strong>g the second skill component.An even more strongly contrast<strong>in</strong>g vicw to Krashcn’s is thc so-called comprehensible outputhypothesis, argued for by Merrill Swa<strong>in</strong> and collcagues (c.g. Swa<strong>in</strong> 1985; Swa<strong>in</strong> and Lapk<strong>in</strong>1995). Swa<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>ts out that much <strong>in</strong>com<strong>in</strong>g L2 <strong>in</strong>put is comprehensible, without any necdfor a full grammatical analysis. If we don’t need to pay attention to the grammar, <strong>in</strong> ordcr tounderstand the message, why should we bc compelled to learn it? On thc other hand, whenwe try to say sorncth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> our choscn second languagc, we arc forced to make grammaticalchoices and hypothescs, <strong>in</strong> ordcr to put our utterances together. Thc act of speak<strong>in</strong>g forcesus to try our ideas about how thc target grammar actually works, and of course gives us thechance of gett<strong>in</strong>g some feedback from <strong>in</strong>terlocutors who may fail to understand our efforts.So far <strong>in</strong> this section, we have secn that thcorists can hold different views on thecontribution both of language <strong>in</strong>put and languagc output to language learn<strong>in</strong>g Howcver,another way of dist<strong>in</strong>guish<strong>in</strong>g among current theories of L2 learn<strong>in</strong>g from a ‘performance’perspective has to do with their view of L2 <strong>in</strong>teraction ~ when the speak<strong>in</strong>g and listcn<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong> which the learner is engaged arc viewcd as an <strong>in</strong>tcgral and mutually <strong>in</strong>fluential whole, e.g.<strong>in</strong> everyday conversation. Two major perspectives on <strong>in</strong>teraction are apparent, onepsychol<strong>in</strong>guistic, one sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic.From a psychol<strong>in</strong>guistic po<strong>in</strong>t of vicw, L2 <strong>in</strong>teraction is ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g because ofthe opportunities it offers to <strong>in</strong>dividual L2 learners to f<strong>in</strong>e-tune the language <strong>in</strong>put they arc

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