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Money, Bank Credit, and Economic Cycles - The Ludwig von Mises ...

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642 <strong>Money</strong>, <strong>Bank</strong> <strong>Credit</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>Economic</strong> <strong>Cycles</strong>the only way to eradicate them. 65 Tellkampf, who had visitedthe U.S. as a young man, witnessed the abuses <strong>and</strong> highlydamaging effects of fractional-reserve banking there <strong>and</strong> wasimbued with the rigorous monetary doctrine being developedin America at the time. When he returned to Germany <strong>and</strong>was appointed professor of economics at Breslau, he wroteseveral papers in which he called for a ban on banks’ issuanceof fiduciary media. 66 Otto Hübner also shared some of the65 An outline of the evolution of this school in the United States during thefirst half of the nineteenth century appears in James E. Philbin’s article,“An Austrian Perspective on Some Leading Jacksonian Monetary <strong>The</strong>orists,”<strong>The</strong> Journal of Libertarian Studies: An Interdisciplinary Review 10, no. 1(Autumn 1991): 83–95. Another book which covers the different <strong>Bank</strong>ing<strong>and</strong> Monetary Schools which emerged in the first half of the nineteenthcentury in the United States is Harry E. Miller’s <strong>Bank</strong>ing <strong>The</strong>ory in theUnited States Before 1860 (1927; New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1972).66 Johann <strong>Ludwig</strong> Tellkampf, Essays on Law Reform, Commercial Policies,<strong>Bank</strong>s, Penitentiaries, etc., in Great Britain <strong>and</strong> the United States of America(London: Williams <strong>and</strong> Norgate, 1859). See also his Die Prinzipien desGeld- und <strong>Bank</strong>wesens (Berlin: Puttkammer <strong>and</strong> Mühlbrecht, 1867). Asearly as 1912 <strong>Mises</strong> made reference to Tellkampf’s (<strong>and</strong> Geyer’s) proposalsin the following rather puzzling passage:<strong>The</strong> issue of fiduciary media has made it possible to avoid theconvulsions that would be involved in an increase in the objectiveexchange value of money, <strong>and</strong> reduced the cost of the monetaryapparatus. (<strong>Mises</strong>, <strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ory of <strong>Money</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Credit</strong>, p. 359)This does not seem to square with other comments made by <strong>Mises</strong>, whoat the end of the book proposes a return to a 100-percent reserve ratio<strong>and</strong> a ban on the creation of new fiduciary media, just as Tellkampf <strong>and</strong>Geyer (among the defenders of a central bank), <strong>and</strong> Hübner <strong>and</strong>Michaelis (among the defenders of free banking) do. As we observed inchapter 7, a parallel contradiction exists between the Hayek of Monetary<strong>The</strong>ory <strong>and</strong> <strong>The</strong> Trade Cycle (1929) <strong>and</strong> that of Prices <strong>and</strong> Production (1931).<strong>The</strong> only explanation lies in the process of intellectual development followedby the two authors, who were at first reluctant to vigorouslydefend the implications of their own analysis. Moreover we must keep inmind that, as we will see in the next chapter, <strong>Mises</strong> defends the establishmentof a 100-percent reserve requirement, but only on newly-created banknotes<strong>and</strong> deposits, in the same vein as Peel’s <strong>Bank</strong> Charter Act. <strong>The</strong>reforeit is somewhat comprehensible that he should mention the“advantages” of the past issuance of fiduciary media, though it is surprisingthat he neglects to explain why the system he considers most suitable

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