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30AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 3Cave FrequencyOur attention now turns to cave/cenote studies inYucatán, from which ideas regarding cave frequency,as well as cave function have emerged. As alreadynoted, Mercer’s investigation of nearly two dozencaves in the Puuc area remained one of the most extensivecave investigations for nearly 90 years.The Mayapan project, conducted by the CarnegieInstitution in the early 1950s, was unprecedented interms of extensive regional cave reporting. Thoughfew interpretive insights regarding cave functionand meaning arose from the project, the mapping ofcaves in relation to surface structures, as well as thefrequency of caves at the site would prove to havefar-reaching implications. Robert E. Smith publishedmany of the descriptions and illustrations of the cenotesat Mayapan (1953; 1954) and prepared the finalceramic monograph (1971). Philip E. Smith (1954;1955) briefly explored the significance of the ritualpositioning of architecture near caves at the site (e.g.Chen Mul). In total, twenty-six cenotes where identifiedwithin the site boundary (A.L. Smith 1962). Inhis report on Yucatecan ceramics, Brainerd providesmaps of Chen Mul as well as the cenotes ofTelchaquillo and Mani (1958). He also comments onthe unique character of cave pottery assemblages(Brainerd 1958:7, 21), as will be discussed in laterchapters. Strömsvik also reported on cave/cenoteswithin the vicinity of Mayapan (1953; 1954), includinga more detailed report on the cave of Dzab-Nanear Tecoh (1956).Water in the cave/cenotes of Mayapan was not asremote or inaccessible as in the Puuc region, and nodoubt accounted for much (if not all) of the site’s dailyneeds. Heavily trafficked, masonry causeways likethose found in the cenotes of Mucuyché (Stephens1843:fig. 5) and Mani (Brainerd 1958:map 12)facilitated unencumbered, routine use. In Brainerd’sillustration (1958:map 12), members of the moderncommunity are depicted collecting water from a secondaryaccess or “well” directly above the cave pool(around which collar and windlass were constructed).Despite quotidian appearances, the sacred nature ofthe cenotes at Mayapan is made obvious by offertoryfeatures like the platform in Cenote X-Coton (R.E.Smith 1953) and the modern rain ceremony at CenoteItzmal Ch’en (Shook 1952:250).The Mayapan project was particularly noteworthyin that it revealed the frequent occurrence of cavesacross the Yucatecan landscape. A more in-depth studyof the relationship between settlement and the landscapeat Mayapan was conducted by Brown (n.d.),and work by Eunice Uc González continues in the region.James Brady (personal communication 2001) hassuggested that the relatively low profile of theMayapan project (in relation to more grandioseCarnegie endeavors in the Maya area) resulted in theidea that the high frequency of caves at Mayapan wasunique or atypical. The prevalence of single-cave studieshas suggested to archaeologists that, while it ispossible to have areas with multiple caves such asMayapan, the more common situation is for caves tobe rare and widely dispersed over the landscape. Thisidea has important implications for the study of caves.First, if caves are expected to be rare, there is littleincentive to mount a search for something that maynot exist. Second, a relatively rare feature is unlikelyto be the focus of an important cultural complex sincemost communities would not have the opportunity toparticipate in it.This view has drastically changed among cavearcheologists as a result of cave surveys, which beganin the 1980s. Juan Luis Bonor Villarejo conducted thefirst recent regional survey in Yucatán during his tenurewith Proyecto Oxkintok. Bonor Villarejo recordedsome 37 caves in the Oxkintok/Calcehtok region(1987a, 1987b, 1989b, see also 1989a). Further studiesin the area were conducted by Evia Cervantes(1991) and Uc González and Canche Mazanero (1989).To the southeast, regional investigations centered atOxkutzcab revealed several new cave sites (Strecker1984, 1985; Stone 1989a; Bonor Villarejo and Sanchezy Pinto 1991). It became increasingly apparent fromthese studies that caves were both common and commonlyused throughout the Yucatán. Equally important,the focus on the singular function of water collectionbegan to broaden as a variety of features were recorded,such as painted scenes of elite activity on cavewalls, interments, and the architectural enclosure ofcave rooms. In fact, it is the very frequency of caves(i.e. the comparative investigation of multiple caves)that allowed for variability in cave function to be identifiedand assessed. Current regional surveys, like theYalahau project, suggest that caves (in relation tosettlement) are quite abundant and were readily integratedinto the cultural geography of the peninsula.More than any previous discovery in Yucatán,Balankanche expanded our appreciation for the ritualfunction of caves. Though the cave was known forsome time (Ruppert et al. 1954), the spectacular innerpassages were not revealed until 1959, when localguide José Humberto Gómez discovered a sealed entrance.The initial investigation involved severalprominent individuals, including Piña Chán, and wasreported by E. Wyllys Andrews IV (1961). The later

AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 3 31book by Andrews IV (1970) describes the numerousartifacts found in the inner passages, and their contexts.Among the offerings were Tlaloc effigy censers,stone censers, spindle whorls, miniature pottery vessels,miniature manos and metates, and a fragment ofa wooden drum.The nature and positioning of the offerings, particularlythe censers surrounding the prominent columnon the “Throne of the Balam” (Group I), left littlequestion as to the ceremonial significance of the cave.While other well known caves in Yucatán andCampeche, such as Loltún, the Gruta de Chac, andXtacumbilxunan, were still (to some degree) commonlyconceived of as habitation or water collectionsites, the deposits in Balankanche were immediatelyrecognizable as evidence of ritual activity. Moreover,its spatial and temporal relationship to Chichén Itzádemonstrated that the cave was an important part ofthe site’s ritual circuit. Andrews’ 1970 work also includesan explanation and transcription (prepared byBarrera Vásquez) of the ceremony conducted in thecave by local h-menob, for the purpose of appeasingthe Yum Balamob (spiritual guardians). This appendix toAndrews’ book contributed to the growing consensusthat caves were indeed powerful sacred places.Yucatán and Campeche have emerged as a singleregion, unique unto itself—physically, culturally, politically,and academically defined, not only by thelandscape but also by people’s familiarity and interactionwith the landscape. In some way, academicinertia is responsible for our perceptions of archaeologicalYucatán. The region’s legacy of research andexploration overshadows its lesser-known neighbor,Quintana Roo, to the east. This clustering of researchactivity in the Yucatecan portion of the peninsula has,to some degree, shaped our notion of cave use acrossthe northern Maya Lowlands in general. Indeed,Catherwood’s famous image of water collection atBolonchen essentially characterizes the popular conceptionof cave use in the Yucatán. Though the discoveryat Balankanche was appreciated for its ritualsignificance, it was still seen as somewhat atypical ofYucatecan cave use.As introduced in Chapter 1, the current study demonstratesthat there are very real differences, in termsof cave use, between the Yalahau region and the westernportion of the northern lowlands. A review andanalysis of generalizations drawn from the long historyof cave studies in Yucatán is essential to realizingthe potential of new studies in northern QuintanaRoo.The Cave Sites of Northern Quintana RooI will admit that the modern Mexican state ofQuintana Roo is a somewhat arbitrary geographic unitof study. As seen in figure 3.2, the new official politicalboundary (published in 1999) reveals that areasonce considered part of Quintana Roo are now inYucatán, and vice versa. However, the northern extentof Mexico’s Caribbean coast and particularly thenorthern inland regions of the State appear to be, inmany ways, both naturally and culturally distinct fromwestern portions of the peninsula. A further complementto the unique character of northern Quintana Roois the region’s short academic history (as discussedearlier). The relative lack of scholarly attention, withrespect to cave archaeology, has resulted in both alimited quantity of available site reports and the erroneousimpression that the region lacks the kind of cavearchaeology worthy of reporting. With the exceptionof the present study, no regional, comparative, problemoriented cave studies have been conducted in northernQuintana Roo. Therefore, the references discussedbelow offer more in terms of data for comparativepurposes than they do in terms of interpretations ofcave use patterning.My review of the literature begins in and aroundthe site of Xcaret (see Figure 3.3). In the mid 1980s,planned industrial development on the predios (parcels)of La Rosita and Punta Venado (also known asRancho Ina) led to investigations of seven caves byINAH archaeologist Luis Alberto Martos López(1994a; 1994b; 1995; 1997). Three unnamed cave/cenotes at La Rosita were also reported (Martos López2000:54–55). The presence of caves in the RanchoIna/Punta Piedra area was initially reported byTerrones González and Leira Guillermo in 1983.A very thorough informe on the archaeology ofAktunkoot was submitted by Martos López in 1994(b),but unfortunately has not been widely disseminated.This intensively modified cave contains a number ofarchitectural features. Among them is a stairway,composed of dressed blocks of stone, which leads froman entrance down to a pool inside the cave. Near thewater’s edge are two groups of carved images. Oneconsists of a series of frontal faces while the other,which was carved into a dripstone column, is moreabstract. Throughout the cave are several rock wallsand alignments. Martos López suggests that thesefeatures were intended to direct movement throughportions of the cave. Clearly, a number of walls wereconstructed for the purpose of closing-off areas to createrooms (and were mapped and recorded as such).In an article from Arqueología, Martos López

30AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 3<strong>Cave</strong> FrequencyOur attention now turns to cave/cenote studies inYucatán, from which ideas regarding cave frequency,as well as cave function have emerged. As alreadynoted, Mercer’s investigation of nearly two dozencaves in the Puuc area remained one of the most extensivecave investigations <strong>for</strong> nearly 90 years.The Mayapan project, conducted by the CarnegieInstitution in the early 1950s, was unprecedented interms of extensive regional cave reporting. Thoughfew interpretive insights regarding cave functionand meaning arose from the project, the mapping ofcaves in relation to surface structures, as well as thefrequency of caves at the site would prove to havefar-reaching implications. Robert E. Smith publishedmany of the descriptions and illustrations of the cenotesat Mayapan (1953; 1954) and prepared the finalceramic monograph (1971). Philip E. Smith (1954;1955) briefly explored the significance of the ritualpositioning of architecture near caves at the site (e.g.Chen Mul). In total, twenty-six cenotes where identifiedwithin the site boundary (A.L. Smith 1962). Inhis report on Yucatecan ceramics, Brainerd providesmaps of Chen Mul as well as the cenotes ofTelchaquillo and Mani (1958). He also comments onthe unique character of cave pottery assemblages(Brainerd 1958:7, 21), as will be discussed in laterchapters. Strömsvik also reported on cave/cenoteswithin the vicinity of Mayapan (1953; 1954), includinga more detailed report on the cave of Dzab-Nanear Tecoh (1956).Water in the cave/cenotes of Mayapan was not asremote or inaccessible as in the Puuc region, and nodoubt accounted <strong>for</strong> much (if not all) of the site’s dailyneeds. Heavily trafficked, masonry causeways likethose found in the cenotes of Mucuyché (Stephens1843:fig. 5) and Mani (Brainerd 1958:map 12)facilitated unencumbered, routine use. In Brainerd’sillustration (1958:map 12), members of the moderncommunity are depicted collecting water from a secondaryaccess or “well” directly above the cave pool(around which collar and windlass were constructed).Despite quotidian appearances, the sacred nature ofthe cenotes at Mayapan is made obvious by offertoryfeatures like the plat<strong>for</strong>m in Cenote X-Coton (R.E.Smith 1953) and the modern rain ceremony at CenoteItzmal Ch’en (Shook 1952:250).The Mayapan project was particularly noteworthyin that it revealed the frequent occurrence of cavesacross the Yucatecan landscape. A more in-depth studyof the relationship between settlement and the landscapeat Mayapan was conducted by Brown (n.d.),and work by Eunice Uc González continues in the region.James Brady (personal communication 2001) hassuggested that the relatively low profile of theMayapan project (in relation to more grandioseCarnegie endeavors in the Maya area) resulted in theidea that the high frequency of caves at Mayapan wasunique or atypical. The prevalence of single-cave studieshas suggested to archaeologists that, while it ispossible to have areas with multiple caves such asMayapan, the more common situation is <strong>for</strong> caves tobe rare and widely dispersed over the landscape. Thisidea has important implications <strong>for</strong> the study of caves.First, if caves are expected to be rare, there is littleincentive to mount a search <strong>for</strong> something that maynot exist. Second, a relatively rare feature is unlikelyto be the focus of an important cultural complex sincemost communities would not have the opportunity toparticipate in it.This view has drastically changed among cavearcheologists as a result of cave surveys, which beganin the 1980s. Juan Luis Bonor Villarejo conducted thefirst recent regional survey in Yucatán during his tenurewith Proyecto Oxkintok. Bonor Villarejo recordedsome 37 caves in the Oxkintok/Calcehtok region(1987a, 1987b, 1989b, see also 1989a). Further studiesin the area were conducted by Evia Cervantes(1991) and Uc González and Canche Mazanero (1989).To the southeast, regional investigations centered atOxkutzcab revealed several new cave sites (Strecker1984, 1985; Stone 1989a; Bonor Villarejo and Sanchezy Pinto 1991). It became increasingly apparent fromthese studies that caves were both common and commonlyused throughout the Yucatán. Equally important,the focus on the singular function of water collectionbegan to broaden as a variety of features were recorded,such as painted scenes of elite activity on cavewalls, interments, and the architectural enclosure ofcave rooms. In fact, it is the very frequency of caves(i.e. the comparative investigation of multiple caves)that allowed <strong>for</strong> variability in cave function to be identifiedand assessed. Current regional surveys, like theYalahau project, suggest that caves (in relation tosettlement) are quite abundant and were readily integratedinto the cultural geography of the peninsula.More than any previous discovery in Yucatán,Balankanche expanded our appreciation <strong>for</strong> the ritualfunction of caves. Though the cave was known <strong>for</strong>some time (Ruppert et al. 1954), the spectacular innerpassages were not revealed until 1959, when localguide José Humberto Gómez discovered a sealed entrance.The initial investigation involved severalprominent individuals, including Piña Chán, and wasreported by E. Wyllys Andrews IV (1961). The later

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