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132AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 7(Fedick et al. 2000; see also Fedick and Taube 1995:10;Mathews 1998:158–168). However, they appear quitefrequently in the region’s caves. In Actun Toh, a smallbut significant quantity of Late Classic Saxche Orangepolychromesherds were recovered as well as numerousLate to Terminal Classic Vista Alegre Striatedsherds. A nearly whole, Late Classic, Petkanche OrangePolychrome vase was found in Actun Tacbi Ha (seeChapter 4.2, see also figure 5.57). This cave also containeddeposits of Terminal Classic Muna Slate andSacalúm Black-on-slate.The apparent discrepancy between cave potteryand our current model of regional occupation couldbe explained if caves, such as Actun Toh, were focalpoints of ceremonial activity within an area of nonnucleatedLate Classic to Terminal Classic settlement.In other words, Late Classic period occupation of thesouthern Yalahau region might be more diffusely expressedacross the surface landscape, whereas caves—as religious activity areas—tended to concentratephysical evidence of Classic Period ceremonial behavior.Such evidence underscores the importance ofcave data for the reconstruction of surface patterns,but perhaps more importantly it emphasizes the magneticeffect caves had on Maya ceremonial behavior.Another possibility is that the ceramics could havebeen deposited by a non-local population if the cavesfunctioned as pilgrimage sites for Cobá during the LateClassic and/or Terminal Classic. No major ceremonialcave sites have yet been reported near the low-elevationsite core of Cobá, and it is conceivable that residentsof this Classic period urban center could have traveled35 km northeast towards the Yalahau region insearch of suitable caves.With this in mind, it is apparent that a more completestory of the role of caves in Maya culture cannotbe fully realized through archaeological cave investigationsalone, and that the archaeology of surface sitescannot be ignored. Suffice it to say archaeologicalstrategies necessary for the effective investigation ofcultural process at surface sites should be carried intothe cave environment as well.Identification of Cultural Criteria for CaveSelection and AppropriationIt is a fact of nature that no two caves are physicallyidentical, yet our use of the term “cave” to subsumeall of these features suggests a rather monolithic relationshipbetween the Maya and these subterraneanenvironments. At a certain level, the generalized conceptof cave is valid and has meaning; however, theMaya were no doubt acutely aware of both the dramaticand subtle physical attributes of different caves.Moreover, they were conscious of the distribution ofdifferent “types” of caves across the landscape as wellas the caves’ spatial relationships with local naturaland cultural geography.A common form of cave that develops in the horizontally-beddedlimestone of northern Quintana Roois the collapse dome. These caves are characterizedby voluminous, dome-shaped chambers—the ceilingsof which are sometimes breached in the center by narrowshafts leading up to the surface. A cave’s openingto the outside not only provides access to its interior,but it functions as a symbolic interface between thesubterranean and terrestrial worlds. Entrances canrange from tiny holes, barely wide enough to penetrate,to gaping chasms. Three caves in the survey that exemplifythe collapse dome form are Actun Toh, ActunTacbi Ha, and Actun Tam Ha.An additional broad, quasi-taxonomic factor toconsider, especially in relation to collapse domes, iscave size. Stone (n.d.) mentions that caves wereunique in ancient Mesoamerica in that they offeredpeople exposure to large enclosed spaces, which essentiallydid not exist in their built environment. Thisobservation has powerful implications in terms of thedramatic contrast between caves and the surface worldas well as the unparalleled sensory effects that cavesmust have impressed upon those who visited them.There is little doubt that the expansive character ofActun Toh, for example, contributed to its apparentimportance. The caves of the Yalahau region are quitesmall in comparison to the enormous caverns of thesouthern lowlands or the hills of western Yucatán.However, it is more meaningful to evaluate chambersize in relation to nearby caves so that relative grandeuris measured only within a regional context. Thus,Actun Toh, regardless of its absolute size, must berecognized as one of the grand caverns of the Yalahauregion.The interface between collapse domes and thesurface is subtle and misleading in that the small entrancesbelie the enormity of the open space below.Needless to say, access to such caves was difficult andthe ancient Maya were forced to span large verticaldistances with ropes or wooden ladders. Just as buildingscan serve as screens to control access to privateplazas, challenging and naturally restrictive entranceslimit casual interaction with certain caves. Thus, thesame desire to conceal space in ceremonial architecturemay have motivated the ancient Maya to selectand appropriate such caves for restricted use.Early on, J. Eric S. Thompson (1959:122) pointedout the significance of cave access but did not explore

AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 7 133the aesthetic and symbolic qualities of cave entrancesthat appear to reflect (or complement) the Maya perceptionof space. As mentioned by Thompson(1959:122), the importance of restricted access is alsoevident in the artificial reduction of cave entrances.In Actun Haleb, a crude terrace was constructed at themouth of the cave that effectively reduced the size ofits entrance. Blom and La Farge also identified similarmodifications in Zapo Cave (1926:156), as didSeler at Quen Santo (1901:162) and Carot in the AltaVerapaz (1989). Perhaps small, vertical portals likethat of Actun Toh were especially valued for their naturalability to provide a sharp and dramatic transitionbetween physical and ideological realms.In their discussion of elite activities at Naj Tunich,Brady and Stone (1986:23) raise a relevant question.They ask why, if caves were such an important part ofancient Maya world-view, do so few caves exhibit the“formal vocabulary” of elites (1986:23). They suggestthat by invoking the concept of the cave in sitearchitecture, Maya elites did not consider it necessaryto venture into the physical cave environment, therebyattributing evidence of extensive and intensive caveuse to mostly non-elite individuals. Increased documentationof the relationship between caves and monumentalarchitecture has altered this idea significantly(see Brady 1997a; Brady et al. 1997; Martos López1997). In the Yalahau region, it is possible that the art,architecture, and offerings found in the caves mightvery well represent the “formal” or elite vocabularyof the ancient Maya of northern Quintana Roo. Moreover,the naturally restrictive and culturally restrictedaccess to certain caves is suggestive of their exclusivity.As in the case of Actun Toh, the presence of relativelysophisticated architectural modifications and arich ceramic assemblage are likely a result of the specialstatus ascribed to the cave’s physiography. Therefore,it appears that in this instance, cave geomorphologydetermined the social aspects of cave utilization becauseit combined a number of features that wereimportant to the ancient Maya. For example, all threecollapse domes share the mound-stairway-pool configuration,which takes advantage of the caves’physical environment. Size cross-culturally connotesgrandeur and power so it is noteworthy that the collapsedomes also represented the largest enclosedspaces in the region. Finally, the entrances are naturallyrestrictive which lent themselves to further culturalrestrictions. For all these reasons it appears that theelite specifically appropriated collapse domes, withphysical and architectural modifications standing as atestimonial to this appropriation.Rock Shelters as CavesIn attempting a study of ancient Maya cave use, itis important to mention that the geologic definition of“cave” (or “cenote” for that matter) has little meaningwithin the context of this discussion and can obfuscateour understanding of the Maya appropriation ofunderground spaces. Recent ethnolingustic studieshave explored the emic classification of caves andrelated topographic features (e.g. Brady 1997a; Bradyand Ashmore 1999; see Brown n.d.; see also Vogt andStuart n.d.) and it is clear that the Maya concept ofcave includes a number of features not included withinour western concept of “cave.” While semantic analysesamong the modern Maya are important in steeringthe direction of research, it remains for archaeologiststo document the palpable evidence of underground utilizationin order to define the boundaries of the ancientMaya concept of cave.At least in archaeology, caves and rockshelterstend to be dichotomized as geologically and functionallydifferent types of sites. Straus (1990:256) states,“A closer look reveals that these two categories [cavesand rockshelters] are quite different in terms of theirformation and infilling, and that each of them inturn is made up of a wide variety of phenomena.” Nevertheless,it must be recognized that the Maya emicclassification of these features might be quite different.Unfortunately, the linguistic data from modern Mayagroups is not clear on whether rockshelters were consistentlyclassified and used as caves (Brady1997a:603). The Yalahau Archaeological Cave Surveyattempted to address this issue directly by investigatingfive rockshelters within the study area.Architectural features were identified in each ofthe five rockshelters included in the survey. ActunXooch, the most intensively modified rockshelter inthe survey, is essentially a large sinkhole with a semicircularalcove along its periphery. A crudely terracedslope leads down to the floor of the sinkhole. Extendingfrom the base of the slope is a raised causeway orfloor that supports a low offertory platform. This rectangularplatform, which consists of two courses ofroughly dressed blocks, is connected to the back wallof the alcove and is positioned beneath a narrow shaftleading to the surface. Items found at the base of theoffertory platform include a tiny unslipped biconicalcup and fragments of a Postclassic Chen Mulincensario—including what appear to be modeledceramic cacao pods. In Actun Maas, a small rockshelterlocated southeast of El Naranjal, incensario fragmentswere found adjacent to a crude stone altar that wasplaced beneath a prominent flowstone formation.

132AMCS Bulletin 12 — Chapter 7(Fedick et al. 2000; see also Fedick and Taube 1995:10;Mathews 1998:158–168). However, they appear quitefrequently in the region’s caves. In Actun Toh, a smallbut significant quantity of Late Classic Saxche Orangepolychromesherds were recovered as well as numerousLate to Terminal Classic Vista Alegre Striatedsherds. A nearly whole, Late Classic, Petkanche OrangePolychrome vase was found in Actun Tacbi Ha (seeChapter 4.2, see also figure 5.57). This cave also containeddeposits of Terminal Classic Muna Slate andSacalúm Black-on-slate.The apparent discrepancy between cave potteryand our current model of regional occupation couldbe explained if caves, such as Actun Toh, were focalpoints of ceremonial activity within an area of nonnucleatedLate Classic to Terminal Classic settlement.In other words, Late Classic period occupation of thesouthern Yalahau region might be more diffusely expressedacross the surface landscape, whereas caves—as religious activity areas—tended to concentratephysical evidence of Classic Period ceremonial behavior.Such evidence underscores the importance ofcave data <strong>for</strong> the reconstruction of surface patterns,but perhaps more importantly it emphasizes the magneticeffect caves had on Maya ceremonial behavior.Another possibility is that the ceramics could havebeen deposited by a non-local population if the cavesfunctioned as pilgrimage sites <strong>for</strong> Cobá during the LateClassic and/or Terminal Classic. No major ceremonialcave sites have yet been reported near the low-elevationsite core of Cobá, and it is conceivable that residentsof this Classic period urban center could have traveled35 km northeast towards the Yalahau region insearch of suitable caves.With this in mind, it is apparent that a more completestory of the role of caves in Maya culture cannotbe fully realized through archaeological cave investigationsalone, and that the archaeology of surface sitescannot be ignored. Suffice it to say archaeologicalstrategies necessary <strong>for</strong> the effective investigation ofcultural process at surface sites should be carried intothe cave environment as well.Identification of Cultural Criteria <strong>for</strong> <strong>Cave</strong>Selection and AppropriationIt is a fact of nature that no two caves are physicallyidentical, yet our use of the term “cave” to subsumeall of these features suggests a rather monolithic relationshipbetween the Maya and these subterraneanenvironments. At a certain level, the generalized conceptof cave is valid and has meaning; however, theMaya were no doubt acutely aware of both the dramaticand subtle physical attributes of different caves.Moreover, they were conscious of the distribution ofdifferent “types” of caves across the landscape as wellas the caves’ spatial relationships with local naturaland cultural geography.A common <strong>for</strong>m of cave that develops in the horizontally-beddedlimestone of northern Quintana Roois the collapse dome. These caves are characterizedby voluminous, dome-shaped chambers—the ceilingsof which are sometimes breached in the center by narrowshafts leading up to the surface. A cave’s openingto the outside not only provides access to its interior,but it functions as a symbolic interface between thesubterranean and terrestrial worlds. Entrances canrange from tiny holes, barely wide enough to penetrate,to gaping chasms. Three caves in the survey that exemplifythe collapse dome <strong>for</strong>m are Actun Toh, ActunTacbi Ha, and Actun Tam Ha.An additional broad, quasi-taxonomic factor toconsider, especially in relation to collapse domes, iscave size. Stone (n.d.) mentions that caves wereunique in ancient Mesoamerica in that they offeredpeople exposure to large enclosed spaces, which essentiallydid not exist in their built environment. Thisobservation has powerful implications in terms of thedramatic contrast between caves and the surface worldas well as the unparalleled sensory effects that cavesmust have impressed upon those who visited them.There is little doubt that the expansive character ofActun Toh, <strong>for</strong> example, contributed to its apparentimportance. The caves of the Yalahau region are quitesmall in comparison to the enormous caverns of thesouthern lowlands or the hills of western Yucatán.However, it is more meaningful to evaluate chambersize in relation to nearby caves so that relative grandeuris measured only within a regional context. Thus,Actun Toh, regardless of its absolute size, must berecognized as one of the grand caverns of the Yalahauregion.The interface between collapse domes and thesurface is subtle and misleading in that the small entrancesbelie the enormity of the open space below.Needless to say, access to such caves was difficult andthe ancient Maya were <strong>for</strong>ced to span large verticaldistances with ropes or wooden ladders. Just as buildingscan serve as screens to control access to privateplazas, challenging and naturally restrictive entranceslimit casual interaction with certain caves. Thus, thesame desire to conceal space in ceremonial architecturemay have motivated the ancient Maya to selectand appropriate such caves <strong>for</strong> restricted use.Early on, J. Eric S. Thompson (1959:122) pointedout the significance of cave access but did not explore

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