GREEN GROWTH: FROM RELIGION TO REALITY - Sustainia

Chapter 53.1 Public advocacyPublic awareness and support for renewable energy, aswell as advocacy efforts from various NGOs, were indispensableto the formation of Colorado's green growthstrategy. It was, after all, a citizens' initiative that producedColorado's first RPS. The widespread popular supportfor renewable energy (compounded by early successes)is also evident in the fact that Governor Bill Ritter's successfulcampaign in 2006 emphasized what he called "anew energy economy", a green growth strategy aiming tocreate jobs by promoting renewable energy (Ritter 2010).Popular support for renewable energy in Colorado spansgeographical regions and political spectrum, and thisbreakdown is considered in finer detail below. Supportstems from a variety of sources; background characteristicsinclude the obvious ready availability of renewableenergy resources; citizen pride in Colorado’s natural resources;an independent political streak that favors energyindependence; and more specific reasons discussedbelow. This emerging state-wide popular pressure pavedthe way for the recent green movement."Public awareness and support for renewable energy,as well as advocacy efforts from various NGOs, wereindispensable to the formation of Colorado's greengrowth strategy"Colorado’s population can be divided into three majorgeographic groups, each of which has its own economicand ideological make-up regarding renewable energy. Thefront range area in central Colorado, which includes majorurban centers like Boulder, Denver, and Fort Collins,tends to be more progressive and Democratic-leaningthan the rest of the state. A survey of county commissionersacross Colorado shows that urban, Democraticadministrators are more likely to implement renewableenergy projects (Davis and Hoffer 2010), which may reflectthe stronger public concern for the environment inthese areas (and, if successful, may also tend to build support).Eight out of the thirteen coal-fired power plants inColorado are also near these more progressive cities in thefront-range area. Aside from greenhouse gas emissionsconcern, many people are affected by pollutants, like nitrogenoxides and mercury, that these power plants emit.This may stir public opinion against coal; there have beenmany protests in Coloradan cities against coal-fired powerplants in the past two years (Finley 2009; Espinoza 2010).The counties in the rural plains of eastern Coloradotend to be more conservative and Republican, but farmersand ranchers could still find reasons to support theRPS. Agricultural communities have a history of utilizingwind as an important power source (Davis and Hoffer2010). With an RPS, they can increase their income byselling homegrown renewable energy back to utilities orby leasing land to wind farms. According to one Democraticlegislative leader – Alice Madden, who participatedin the advocacy movement – RRepublican support forrenewable energy remains relatively narrow. However,the support of Republican former Speaker Lola Spradley,who represented a rural constituency in eastern Colorado,during 2003-2004 was indispensable to the eventualcreation and passage of Amd 37, and provided significantrhetorical support for the effort (Plant 2011).Finally, the western mountain counties are rural andrelatively independent politically. Tourism is a major industryin these areas, meaning that protecting the naturallandscape is important. However, these areas tend tohave less in the way of exploitable wind energy.As can be seen from these descriptions, advocates ofAmd 37 had plausible arguments to offer voters in eachof these areas. Precisely how critical arguments made toeach constituency were to the success of Amd 37 is difficultto determine definitively. It is clear that supportfrom urban Front Range and western mountain countiesformed a core part of the vote. Voting returns show thatall of the Colorado counties in which Amendment 37 receivedmore than 50% of the vote were Front Range orwestern mountains counties.In the rural eastern plains counties, the amendmentfaced not only general ideological opposition from conservatives,but direct, specific opposition from rural powergeneration coops that felt threatened by the measure(Baker 2011). A poll roughly a month before election didshow that a plurality of Republicans in the state supportedthe measure (45% favoring and 33% opposed (Fratesand Cox 2004)) and Speaker Lola Spradley in particularmade a concerted effort to reach these voters based on aneconomic message about the potential monetary benefitsthey could accrue from local wind installations (Olinger2004; Paulson 2004; Purdy 2004). However, ultimately,the measure failed to win any of the eastern plains counties,outright; and in fact, eight of the eleven counties, inwhich 37 polled at less than 1/3 of the electorate were inthe eastern plains. Nonetheless, selling 37 to these voterswas inherently an uphill battle, ideologically. It is difficultto tell whether, without efforts to court these voters, 37might have done even worse in these areas, potentiallyresulting in a statewide loss. These efforts may also havepaved the way for a subsequent quick turnaround to acceptanceof the benefits of RPS in following years (discussedbelow).Finally, a factor potentially affecting all constituencieswas the fact that rate payers in general could look to gainfrom the RPS. Amd 37 mandates a $2 per watt rebate toconsumers for solar installation. It also dictated that Xceland Black Hills, the state’s two investor-owned utilities,must produce half of their solar standards by buying backpower produced at customers' facilities. Amd 37 alsocapped the rate increase for a customer per month at 50cents, forcing the utilities to shoulder any additional costincrease. The legislation thus offered consumers rebates,potential buy-backs of homegrown renewable energy,and guaranteed low impact on rates. Later renewableenergy legislation, like Net Metering HB08-1160 (2008)and Renewable Energy Financing Act SB09-051 (2009),expanded rebates to consumers for solar installation andGreen Growth: From religion to reality 63