GREEN GROWTH: FROM RELIGION TO REALITY - Sustainia
GREEN GROWTH: FROM RELIGION TO REALITY - Sustainia GREEN GROWTH: FROM RELIGION TO REALITY - Sustainia
Chapter 5measures. This makes constituencies across the statemore broadly tolerant or supportive of green policy thanthose in many other states (Randolph 2011).These conditions set the stage in 2006 for the passageof AB32, California’s landmark climate legislation.AB32 established binding emission reduction targets andfurther entrenched support for renewable energy portfoliostandards, required vehicle efficiency, and a statewidecarbon cap-and trade program. It is the most expansiveand well known of a spectrum of green growth-supportivepolicies that California has passed, which range frombuilding and appliance energy standards to investmentvehicles to the California Solar Initiative.As the VC clean-tech industry has grown in California,a community of advocates for climate policy hasgrown in the business sector.California’s general receptiveness to green energypolicy was amplified by VC community interest. AB32found ample support in California’s business and VCcommunities (Hanemann 2007; Prabhakar 2011), incontrast to attitudes toward climate legislation seen inthe business communities of many heavy manufacturingand coal-producing U.S. states. California’s VC communityadvocated climate policy as a means to establish amarket for clean-tech and to ensure continuity and stabilityof expectations. It has defended AB32 against challenges,contributing to a multimillion-dollar campaignto defeat Prop 23, a ballot initiative intended to repealAB 32 (Walsh 2010; Prabhakar 2011). As the VC cleantechindustry has grown in California, a community ofadvocates for climate policy has grown in the businesssector. AB32 has in turn fed back into the growing supportfor green policy, creating a local, predictable, growingmarket and hence strengthening its own businessconstituency. In essence, California’s VC industries existin a symbiotic relationship with California’s green policy;each supports the other and helps it grow.1To achieve its goals of 30 percent GHG emission reductionsby 2020 and 80 percent by 2050 the state has begunimplementing and building upon a suite of policies withfar-reaching impact. Those policies projected to have themost significant impact on GHG emission reduction areanalyzed briefly below:Cap and Trade: Intended to initially last from 2012 to2020, the statewide carbon cap-and-trade program willinitially cover power plants, electricity importers and industrialcombustion and processes that emit more than25,000 tons of CO2 equivalent a year. It is estimated thatduring the first compliance period, 37% of economy wideemissions will be covered. Beginning in 2015, coveragewill extend to transport fuel and fuel distributors and isestimated to cover 85% of aggregate emissions.Emission allowances will be allocated based on previousemissions history with an auction for additionalallowances and a portion of allowances held as reservesin order to stabilize price. Offset credits, basically emissionreducing projects, will also be used alongside allowances.Finally, there will be linkages set up with otherGHG cap-and-trade programs. Firms will be able to buyand sell carbon credits issued by another cap-and-tradeprogram. The state is in the process of attempting to linkto other similar programs to create a regional market(CARB 2010). (See Box 3 for discussion of regional effortsin this vein.)Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS): The RenewablePortfolio Standard expands on the previous standard tomandate that 33% of state electricity come from renewablesources by 2020 and is estimated to address 12% ofthe state’s emission reduction goals.Energy Efficiency Strategic Plan: The Energy EfficiencyStrategic Plan builds upon the state’s previous workwith a more synchronized and long term effort withgreater focus on outreach, more stringent standards, andinnovation and will address 15% of GHG emission reductiongoals.Light-Duty Vehicle GHG Standards: Implementationof the California Light-Duty Vehicle GHG Standards willset more stringent GHG standards for in-state sales of allnon-commercial light duty autos manufactured after 2008and will achieve 18% of GHG emission reduction goals.Low Carbon Fuel Standard (LCFS): Finally, the LowCarbon Fuel Standard requires major distributors oftransportation fuels to reduce the carbon intensity oftheir fuels by 10% in 2020 and is expected to achieve 8.6%of the state’s emission reduction goals (CARB 2008).In addition to their impact on emissions, it is hopedthat these polices will play an important role in creatinglong-term growth in the California economy. AB 32 senta clear signal to clean tech venture capital of policy stabilityand support for low-carbon technologies. Whileclean tech venture capital had started to grow in Californiaprior to AB 32 with a more global market focus,investment numbers in California following the initiativegrew considerably (Randolph 2011). The Berkeley Energyand Resources (BEAR) economic model provides detailedscenario predictions on the economic adjustmentsand emissions reductions of AB 32. The model, unlikeprevious models used for this purpose, factors in therole of innovation at a rate consistent with California’shistory. The rate of innovation used for the model mayactually prove conservative as it reflects a period withlower fuel costs and less compelling policy than the currentperiod. The BEAR model finds that the state’s DraftScoping Plan for AB 32 will increase Gross State Product(GSP) by about $76 billion, create up to 403,00 new jobs,and increase real household incomes by about $48 billion(Roland Holst 2008). These policies may also affectthe national or international economy. Due to the size ofthe California economy, the 8th largest economy in the1 Though note that our venturecapital expert argues that the VCstory is very much a global story.The local California market is auseful, but by itself not enough.Clean tech investors are very muchdriven by critical global markets(Prabhakar 2011).56
Chapter 5world, standards set for the California economy have asignificant ripple effect (Lifsher 2010).Partly because of their national or international implications,the policies have not been free of opposition.For instance, vehicle GHG Standards have been challengedby national automakers in federal courts, but havethus far not found success. The LCFS has also receivedcriticism from US ethanol interests, oil and truckingfirms, Brazilian ethanol producers, and Canadian officials(Bhanoo 2010; Power 2009). But thus far, Californiahas maintained its legal right, built upon the state’s earlierenergy efficiency work, to implement more stringent environmentallegislations than national standards.2.3.3 VC growth: California’s clean tech industry respondsto an expanding marketCalifornia has established a leading role in clean tech VCboth nationally and internationally and its market dominanceis growing.In 2009 California captured 57% of U.S. clean techventure investments totally 3.3 billion and 25% of worldwideinvestment. By the last quarter of 2010 Californiahad captured 70% of all U.S. clean-tech venture investmentand 50% of global venture investment (BACEI2010). The state leads the U.S. in clean tech patents with458 registered clean tech patents between 2007-2009,30% more than that of the second place state. Clean techand green business have had positive gains on Californiaemployment as well. Between 1995-2008 it is estimatedthat employment in green business in the state grew 36%.Moreover, during the 2007-2008-recession period in Californiawhere total state employment fell by 5%, greenjobs grew 5% (BACEI 2010).Capturing fundingThe California clean tech industry has thrived in partas it has managed to capture a disproportionate amountof federal funding in the sector. The number of top-tierresearch universities exploring the issue, and their establishedconnection to a network of early developers andventure capital has enabled the state with a competitiveedge (Randolph 2011). Federal support has boosted thealready present resources and further charged cleantechdevelopment."In the last ten years, however, DOE funding has rapidlyincreased, supercharged by the U.S. stimulus inresponse to the 2008 financial crisis"Federal funding for Clean Tech has come in boom andbust cycles over the last 30 years. Following an initial fervorof investment in the 1970s following the OPEC oilembargo, federal funding for research, development, anddeployment of renewable energy technologies fell significantly(Nemet and Kammen 2007). The CongressionalBudget Office indicates that since 1978, adjusted for inflation,federal spending on all fields of energy researchDOE spending by state, excluding contractsDollars, Billions21.510.502004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010Fiscal YearCaliforniaMichiganNew YorkFigure 3: DOE spending, contracts excluded. Note the five statesshown above are the recipients of the largest percentages of grantmoney from the DOE. (OMB 2011)Source: Xhttp://usaspending.gov/PennsylvaniaTexashas decreased by over seventy-five percent (CBO 2010).In the last ten years, however, DOE funding has rapidlyincreased, supercharged by the U.S. stimulus in responseto the 2008 financial crisis.California received the lion’s share of US stimulus fundingin a number of green initiatives. Out of the 34.19billion of stimulus funds available through the nationalDepartment of Energy (DOE), California received morefunding than any other state in the categories of: renewableenergy, modernizing the electricity grid, and scienceand innovation. It also received large sums of fundingfor energy efficiency work. It should be noted that withabout 10 percent of the United States population livingin California the per-capita percent of funding the statereceives is at times actually lower than if evenly distributed(www.recovery.gov; US Census Bureau 2010).California did, however, receive almost ¼ of total DOEstimulus funding on Science and Innovation, although asignificant section of this funding takes the form of contractsearmarked for security and maintenance of nucleararsenals in the state.DOE funding supports both R&D basic research andcontracts at the national laboratories in the state andmore advanced stages of clean tech development. Between2008 and 2010 The Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratoryand Lawrence Livermore National Laboratoryreceived between 49 and 76 percent of total DOE fundingto California (usaspending.gov). These facilities arecurrently most concentrated in focus on energy efficiency,biofuels, batteries, and nuclear fusion (LLNL 2009).DOE funding for more developed stages of clean techtakes the forms of loan guarantees, tax credits, energybonds in the forms of grants in place of tax credits, anddirect grants (dsireusa.org). A number of clean tech VCshave profited indirectly from recent DOE loan guaranteesof considerable size. In 2011 California solar gene-Green Growth: From religion to reality 57
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Chapter 5measures. This makes constituencies across the statemore broadly tolerant or supportive of green policy thanthose in many other states (Randolph 2011).These conditions set the stage in 2006 for the passageof AB32, California’s landmark climate legislation.AB32 established binding emission reduction targets andfurther entrenched support for renewable energy portfoliostandards, required vehicle efficiency, and a statewidecarbon cap-and trade program. It is the most expansiveand well known of a spectrum of green growth-supportivepolicies that California has passed, which range frombuilding and appliance energy standards to investmentvehicles to the California Solar Initiative.As the VC clean-tech industry has grown in California,a community of advocates for climate policy hasgrown in the business sector.California’s general receptiveness to green energypolicy was amplified by VC community interest. AB32found ample support in California’s business and VCcommunities (Hanemann 2007; Prabhakar 2011), incontrast to attitudes toward climate legislation seen inthe business communities of many heavy manufacturingand coal-producing U.S. states. California’s VC communityadvocated climate policy as a means to establish amarket for clean-tech and to ensure continuity and stabilityof expectations. It has defended AB32 against challenges,contributing to a multimillion-dollar campaignto defeat Prop 23, a ballot initiative intended to repealAB 32 (Walsh 2010; Prabhakar 2011). As the VC cleantechindustry has grown in California, a community ofadvocates for climate policy has grown in the businesssector. AB32 has in turn fed back into the growing supportfor green policy, creating a local, predictable, growingmarket and hence strengthening its own businessconstituency. In essence, California’s VC industries existin a symbiotic relationship with California’s green policy;each supports the other and helps it grow.1To achieve its goals of 30 percent GHG emission reductionsby 2020 and 80 percent by 2050 the state has begunimplementing and building upon a suite of policies withfar-reaching impact. Those policies projected to have themost significant impact on GHG emission reduction areanalyzed briefly below:Cap and Trade: Intended to initially last from 2012 to2020, the statewide carbon cap-and-trade program willinitially cover power plants, electricity importers and industrialcombustion and processes that emit more than25,000 tons of CO2 equivalent a year. It is estimated thatduring the first compliance period, 37% of economy wideemissions will be covered. Beginning in 2015, coveragewill extend to transport fuel and fuel distributors and isestimated to cover 85% of aggregate emissions.Emission allowances will be allocated based on previousemissions history with an auction for additionalallowances and a portion of allowances held as reservesin order to stabilize price. Offset credits, basically emissionreducing projects, will also be used alongside allowances.Finally, there will be linkages set up with otherGHG cap-and-trade programs. Firms will be able to buyand sell carbon credits issued by another cap-and-tradeprogram. The state is in the process of attempting to linkto other similar programs to create a regional market(CARB 2010). (See Box 3 for discussion of regional effortsin this vein.)Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS): The RenewablePortfolio Standard expands on the previous standard tomandate that 33% of state electricity come from renewablesources by 2020 and is estimated to address 12% ofthe state’s emission reduction goals.Energy Efficiency Strategic Plan: The Energy EfficiencyStrategic Plan builds upon the state’s previous workwith a more synchronized and long term effort withgreater focus on outreach, more stringent standards, andinnovation and will address 15% of GHG emission reductiongoals.Light-Duty Vehicle GHG Standards: Implementationof the California Light-Duty Vehicle GHG Standards willset more stringent GHG standards for in-state sales of allnon-commercial light duty autos manufactured after 2008and will achieve 18% of GHG emission reduction goals.Low Carbon Fuel Standard (LCFS): Finally, the LowCarbon Fuel Standard requires major distributors oftransportation fuels to reduce the carbon intensity oftheir fuels by 10% in 2020 and is expected to achieve 8.6%of the state’s emission reduction goals (CARB 2008).In addition to their impact on emissions, it is hopedthat these polices will play an important role in creatinglong-term growth in the California economy. AB 32 senta clear signal to clean tech venture capital of policy stabilityand support for low-carbon technologies. Whileclean tech venture capital had started to grow in Californiaprior to AB 32 with a more global market focus,investment numbers in California following the initiativegrew considerably (Randolph 2011). The Berkeley Energyand Resources (BEAR) economic model provides detailedscenario predictions on the economic adjustmentsand emissions reductions of AB 32. The model, unlikeprevious models used for this purpose, factors in therole of innovation at a rate consistent with California’shistory. The rate of innovation used for the model mayactually prove conservative as it reflects a period withlower fuel costs and less compelling policy than the currentperiod. The BEAR model finds that the state’s DraftScoping Plan for AB 32 will increase Gross State Product(GSP) by about $76 billion, create up to 403,00 new jobs,and increase real household incomes by about $48 billion(Roland Holst 2008). These policies may also affectthe national or international economy. Due to the size ofthe California economy, the 8th largest economy in the1 Though note that our venturecapital expert argues that the VCstory is very much a global story.The local California market is auseful, but by itself not enough.Clean tech investors are very muchdriven by critical global markets(Prabhakar 2011).56