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Organization and Performance of Cotton Sectors in Africa ... - infoDev

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the price mechanism. Coord<strong>in</strong>ation among players at one level <strong>in</strong> the system—horizontal coord<strong>in</strong>ation—does not appear <strong>in</strong> this model. Yet North (1990)argued that implicit <strong>in</strong> the perfectly competitive model, <strong>and</strong> essential to anyreal world approximation <strong>of</strong> it, is a highly sophisticated set <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions thatmake <strong>in</strong>formation available <strong>and</strong> that def<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> enforce the “rules <strong>of</strong> thegame.” Poulton et al. (2004: 521) suggest that <strong>in</strong> the real world, where the perfectlycompetitive ideal never fully holds, it “becomes more likely that there willbe some form <strong>of</strong> trade-<strong>of</strong>f between competition <strong>and</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ation.” Thishypothesized trade-<strong>of</strong>f is at the center <strong>of</strong> the proposed typology, <strong>and</strong> it is possibleto summarize expectations <strong>of</strong> the sector types with respect to their likelyperformance <strong>in</strong> each dimension.Competitive systems are characterized by large numbers <strong>of</strong> g<strong>in</strong>ners, withopen market competition for seed cotton purchase among them. These systemshave high <strong>in</strong>centives for efficiency, but they are likely to f<strong>in</strong>d it difficultto achieve horizontal coord<strong>in</strong>ation across firms to ensure <strong>in</strong>put credit, extension,<strong>and</strong> l<strong>in</strong>t quality. National monopolies (the s<strong>in</strong>gle-channel systems thathave been common <strong>in</strong> WCA) solve the coord<strong>in</strong>ation problem by consolidat<strong>in</strong>gmost downstream activities <strong>in</strong> a s<strong>in</strong>gle firm. However, this solution comesat the cost <strong>of</strong> potentially very low <strong>in</strong>centives for efficiency; for example, g<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<strong>and</strong> overhead costs may rise, <strong>and</strong> performance on <strong>in</strong>put credit <strong>and</strong>extension quality may also decl<strong>in</strong>e over time. Concentrated systems <strong>and</strong> localmonopolies are likely to lie toward the middle <strong>in</strong> each dimension. Concentratedsystems are dom<strong>in</strong>ated by two or perhaps three major g<strong>in</strong>ners, whichcompete directly for the right to buy seed cotton from farmers (that is, thereis no geographical segregation <strong>of</strong> their activities). The competition is focusedon gett<strong>in</strong>g producers to sign up with a particular company for a given season<strong>and</strong> tends to be based as much on the quality <strong>of</strong> services provided to producersas on seed cotton price. Once a grow<strong>in</strong>g season is under way, themajor g<strong>in</strong>ners generally respect the contracts that each has reached with particularproducers for the duration <strong>of</strong> that season. Local monopolies do notrely on this self-polic<strong>in</strong>g approach, <strong>in</strong>stead they prohibit companies fromcompet<strong>in</strong>g for seed cotton outside their specified zones. Expected differences<strong>in</strong> performance between concentrated systems <strong>and</strong> local monopolies are notlarge; however, policy, regulatory capacity, history, <strong>and</strong> other factors canheavily affect firm behavior <strong>and</strong> performance.Accord<strong>in</strong>g to figure 4.1, the basic difference between competitive <strong>and</strong> concentratedsystems lies <strong>in</strong> the number <strong>of</strong> g<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g firms with<strong>in</strong> the sector. Thus,the concentrated sectors shown <strong>in</strong> figure 4.2 (Zambia <strong>and</strong> Zimbabwe) wereboth, until fairly recently, effectively duopolies <strong>in</strong> which the top two firmsaccounted for 90 percent or more <strong>of</strong> seed cotton purchases. By contrast, <strong>in</strong>Tanzania there are about 30 g<strong>in</strong>ners, the top five <strong>of</strong> which account for onlyabout 40 percent <strong>of</strong> seed cotton purchases (<strong>and</strong> these top five typically changefrom year to year). However, the number <strong>of</strong> g<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g firms with<strong>in</strong> the sector isA TYPOLOGY OF AFRICAN COTTON SECTORS 47

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