ProQuest Dissertations - Historia Antigua
ProQuest Dissertations - Historia Antigua ProQuest Dissertations - Historia Antigua
idealized conception of a new Latin city and the physical reality that incorporated severalpopulations.Moreover, landscape continued to influence its inhabitants over time, even asthey continued to change the landscape to suit their needs. Within the city of Rome, thisis illustrated by the proliferation of manubial temples vowed in battle and builtthroughout the city's busiest sectors. 76The manubial temples were monuments to themilitary success, social influence, and self-aggrandizement of the general who vowedtheir construction, but they also served as inspiration to the general's peers and77successors to vow their own temples.Thus, as Van Dommelen concludes, "landscapecannot easily be separated from society because it often plays an integral part in the78reproduction of the existing social order."The landscape, however, was not merely a playing field for elite social agendas; italso shaped a city's economic and political systems. 79A city's or territory's physicallandscape could dictate the sorts of trade-goods required depending on the available orunavailable resources. Waterways or lack thereof could shape the way in whichcommodities reach the city, as well as the occupations of a portion of the population. Thetopographical features of the landscape could determine the relative military focus of asociety: throughout the ancient world, there was a persistent stereotype that peoples inmountainous areas were belligerent and barbaric, whereas the people in fertile plainsSee Orlin (1997), pp. 114-139 for detailed discussions of this phenomenon.77 See Curti (2000), pp. 83 ff. for a treatment of the religious competition on the Quirinal hill between theMarcii, Decii, Ogulnii, and Fabii in the fourth and third centuries.78 Van Dommelen (1999), p. 278.79 Ibid. p. 284.21
were soft and wealthy.In part, the physical environment and available resourcespredetermined how a population survived and prospered; a challenging territory such asthe Apennine highlands predisposed the Samnites to pastoralism, for example. Similarly,the intellectual actions applied to city's land and territory, i.e. the conceptual landscape,also influenced its population. 81Among these intellectual actions were the redefinition ofthe territory as a Latin colony, which led to physical changes in the terrain to conformwith the new political definition. The colonists' self-definition as citizens of the newcolony was one of the primary conceptual processes that dictated their response tothreats, such as the violent Samnite response to the colonization of Fregellae in 328BCE. 82Models of Colonial Interactions and LandscapeScholarly models of ancient colonization have tended to neglect the influence of thelandscape in favor of an analysis of the human elements.In the last decade,colonization studies have rejected a dualist approach, which only examines political,cultural, and economic exchanges between the metropolis and the colony. 84Stein callsfor consideration of colonies within their regional and interregional contexts, so thatanalysis accounts for not only the relationship between colony and homeland, but also theSee Dench (1995), pp. 16-21 for a discussion of the ancient view of Samnites as barbaric people.81 Sluyter (2002), p. 32 n. 3 chooses "conceptual landscape transformations" as the best complement to"material landscape transformations" because the former "clearly identifies transformations that relate towhat exists in the mind."82 Livy 8.23.6; Dion. Hal. 15.8.5. Cf. Salmon (1970), p. 57; Coarelli (1998), pp. 30-31.83 See especially Salmon (1970) and MacKendrick (1954).84 Van Dommelen (1997), p. 308. Van Dommelen (p. 309) favors instead a blurring of the colonialcategory by recognizing that class, gender, or ethnicity might divide the colonists, as well as the localpopulation. The ways in which the colonists and locals interact along such divisions lead to hybridizationor creolization of the colonial culture. Cf. Webster (2001), Woolf (1998), Alcock (1997 and 2005), Bradley(2006), and Herring (2007).22
- Page 1 and 2: NOT EFFIGIES PAR VAE POPULI ROMAN!:
- Page 3 and 4: COPYRIGHTAmanda Jo Coles2009
- Page 5 and 6: AcknowledgementsI give heartfelt th
- Page 7 and 8: intention and colonial strategy hel
- Page 9 and 10: List of TablesFigure 5.1: Influence
- Page 11 and 12: Instead, through examination of the
- Page 13 and 14: settlements in alien lands," and co
- Page 15 and 16: in the late fourth century BCE; thu
- Page 17 and 18: Aquileia in 181 BCE.Bispham also il
- Page 19 and 20: II.Agency in Roman ColonizationFind
- Page 21 and 22: Figure 1.1:The Statist Model ofRoma
- Page 23 and 24: comparisons between religion in the
- Page 25 and 26: BCE, when Roman power expanded and
- Page 27 and 28: nomenclature of Paestum shows a mix
- Page 29: determinant factors in the relation
- Page 33 and 34: contact with Magna Graecia or incre
- Page 35 and 36: Reports to senate,founds templesGen
- Page 37 and 38: defined landscape. The landscape wa
- Page 39 and 40: neighbors: "[d]espite its undeniabl
- Page 41 and 42: Roman religion, there was also no r
- Page 43 and 44: propitiate. 113Yet, C. Marius was a
- Page 45 and 46: This section addresses continuity a
- Page 47 and 48: Capodifiume for at least the first
- Page 49 and 50: Was Roman Religion Imposed on the C
- Page 51 and 52: The Capitolium IssueEven as the gen
- Page 53 and 54: VI.Evidentiary CautionsLiteratureUn
- Page 55 and 56: two commissions, four of which mere
- Page 57 and 58: certain far-flung mid-Republican co
- Page 59 and 60: language and epigraphic tradition b
- Page 61 and 62: of participation in many systems: s
- Page 63 and 64: impelled each triumvir to seek or a
- Page 65 and 66: locals, or Rome are given. 6Moreove
- Page 67 and 68: Aesernia (263). 10 These colonies a
- Page 69 and 70: Interamna Lirinas, but who those co
- Page 71 and 72: after a mention of Scipio Africanus
- Page 73 and 74: Valentia.The colonies of 194-192 we
- Page 75 and 76: commissioners, P. Cornelius Scipio
- Page 77 and 78: enough to note that the benefits to
- Page 79 and 80: The questions arising from this con
idealized conception of a new Latin city and the physical reality that incorporated severalpopulations.Moreover, landscape continued to influence its inhabitants over time, even asthey continued to change the landscape to suit their needs. Within the city of Rome, thisis illustrated by the proliferation of manubial temples vowed in battle and builtthroughout the city's busiest sectors. 76The manubial temples were monuments to themilitary success, social influence, and self-aggrandizement of the general who vowedtheir construction, but they also served as inspiration to the general's peers and77successors to vow their own temples.Thus, as Van Dommelen concludes, "landscapecannot easily be separated from society because it often plays an integral part in the78reproduction of the existing social order."The landscape, however, was not merely a playing field for elite social agendas; italso shaped a city's economic and political systems. 79A city's or territory's physicallandscape could dictate the sorts of trade-goods required depending on the available orunavailable resources. Waterways or lack thereof could shape the way in whichcommodities reach the city, as well as the occupations of a portion of the population. Thetopographical features of the landscape could determine the relative military focus of asociety: throughout the ancient world, there was a persistent stereotype that peoples inmountainous areas were belligerent and barbaric, whereas the people in fertile plainsSee Orlin (1997), pp. 114-139 for detailed discussions of this phenomenon.77 See Curti (2000), pp. 83 ff. for a treatment of the religious competition on the Quirinal hill between theMarcii, Decii, Ogulnii, and Fabii in the fourth and third centuries.78 Van Dommelen (1999), p. 278.79 Ibid. p. 284.21
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