Prostitution in Bangladesh: An Empirical Profile of Sex Workers
Prostitution in Bangladesh: An Empirical Profile of Sex Workers
Prostitution in Bangladesh: An Empirical Profile of Sex Workers
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<strong>Prostitution</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong>: <strong>An</strong> <strong>Empirical</strong> <strong>Pr<strong>of</strong>ile</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sex</strong> <strong>Workers</strong>By AKM Ahsan Ullah iAbstractThe paper explores the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Sex</strong> <strong>Workers</strong> (SW) <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong>; and theordeals faced by them. 221 randomly selected respondents from three categories <strong>of</strong> sexworkers (Hotel, brothel and float<strong>in</strong>g) were <strong>in</strong>terviewed us<strong>in</strong>g both close and open-endedquestionnaire. Data show that child prostitution is quite prevalent. A higher percentage <strong>of</strong>sex workers were married compared with the s<strong>in</strong>gles. HSWs (Homosexual <strong>Sex</strong> <strong>Workers</strong>),on an average, enterta<strong>in</strong> seven clients and BSWs (Bisexual <strong>Sex</strong> <strong>Workers</strong>) 15 clients perday. The highest percentage <strong>of</strong> child prostitutes was prevalent among the FSWs (Female<strong>Sex</strong> <strong>Workers</strong>). Hotel sex work<strong>in</strong>g is an emerg<strong>in</strong>g direction <strong>of</strong> its category. The paperconcludes that dynamics <strong>of</strong> sex work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong> is extended to hotel sex work<strong>in</strong>gfrom two <strong>of</strong> its historically known categories.Keywords: <strong>Sex</strong> workers, prostitution, HIV/AIDS pandemicIntroductionThe sex market is expand<strong>in</strong>g at an unprecedented pace and touch<strong>in</strong>g every strata <strong>of</strong>the society. To meet the ever grow<strong>in</strong>g and diverse sex demand <strong>in</strong> the recent years, moreand more children and adult women have enrolled <strong>in</strong> the boom<strong>in</strong>g market. Commercialsex takes place <strong>in</strong> many k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> ways and <strong>in</strong>volves many different types <strong>of</strong> people, many<strong>of</strong> whom are <strong>in</strong> no way stereotypical. People from various backgrounds and classes sellsex and they do so for a broad range <strong>of</strong> reasons. In fact, between the educated andresourceful woman who chooses commercial sex from a broad range <strong>of</strong> possibilities andthe poor, uneducated woman who is physically forced to do it, there is a wholecont<strong>in</strong>uum <strong>of</strong> situations.<strong>Sex</strong> workers or prostitutes refer to that section <strong>of</strong> women population who areengaged, legally or illegally, part time or full-time, regular or irregular sexual acts formoney or for any other material ga<strong>in</strong> (Metzenrath, 1998). Poverty is certa<strong>in</strong>ly driv<strong>in</strong>grural young women to cities. They take job <strong>in</strong> the garment factories or work ashousemaids or <strong>in</strong> any other sectors. Their employers sexually abuse and harass them andf<strong>in</strong>ally drive them thus loos<strong>in</strong>g chastity to the pr<strong>of</strong>ession <strong>of</strong> prostitution. <strong>Prostitution</strong> isnot a new phenomenon <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong>. Religion although does not permit prostitution, itslaw does not prevent a woman from becom<strong>in</strong>g a prostitute if she likes to be. This oldest<strong>in</strong>stitution hav<strong>in</strong>g enrooted deep <strong>in</strong> the society can not be abolished overnight. Ullah’sstudy revealed that an overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g majority <strong>of</strong> the population <strong>in</strong> Dhaka city favored theexistence <strong>of</strong> prostitution. Yet, the people engaged <strong>in</strong> the pr<strong>of</strong>ession always encounterseveral dilemmas and vulnerabilities. Harassment by the clients, law enforc<strong>in</strong>g agencyunder the pretext that this pr<strong>of</strong>ession is not socially sanctioned has been a commonphenomenon.To the theoretical even more than to the applied sociologist, prostitution sets apr<strong>of</strong>ound problem: Why is it that a practice so thoroughly disapproved, so widelyoutlawed <strong>in</strong> Western civilization, can yet flourish so universally? Social theorists, <strong>in</strong>depict<strong>in</strong>g the power <strong>of</strong> collective representations and the mores as determ<strong>in</strong>ants <strong>of</strong> humanJournal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 111
conduct, have at times implied that only favorable attitudes and sentiments ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>stitutions. But prostitution is a veritable <strong>in</strong>stitution, thriv<strong>in</strong>g even when its name is aslow <strong>in</strong> public op<strong>in</strong>ion as to be synonymous with the social evil (Davis, 2000; Sachs,1994; and Khan, Arefeen, 1989). A genu<strong>in</strong>e explanation must transcend the facilegeneralizations both <strong>of</strong> those who believe that prostitution can be immediately abolished,and <strong>of</strong> those who th<strong>in</strong>k vaguely that human nature and the lessons <strong>of</strong> history guarantee itsimmortality. In what follows I have tried to give a sociological analysis to describe thema<strong>in</strong> features <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terrelational system b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g prostitution to other <strong>in</strong>stitutions(particularly those <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g sexual relations). Such an analysis seems to carry us a longway toward expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g not only the heedless vitality <strong>of</strong> commercial promiscuity, but alsothe extreme disrepute <strong>in</strong> which it and its personnel are held. None can, however, def<strong>in</strong>ehuman prostitution simply as the use <strong>of</strong> sexual responses for an ulterior purpose. Thiswould <strong>in</strong>clude a great portion <strong>of</strong> all social behavior, especially that <strong>of</strong> women. It would<strong>in</strong>clude marriage, for example, where<strong>in</strong> women trade their sexual favors for an economicand social status supplied by men.It would <strong>in</strong>clude all the fem<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>e arts that women use <strong>in</strong> pursu<strong>in</strong>g ends that requiremen as <strong>in</strong>termediaries, arts that permeate daily life, and, while not generally <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>gactual <strong>in</strong>tercourse, conta<strong>in</strong> and utilize erotic stimulation. The <strong>in</strong>stitutional control <strong>of</strong> sexfollows three correlative l<strong>in</strong>es. First, it permits, encourages, or forces various degrees <strong>of</strong>sexual <strong>in</strong>timacy with<strong>in</strong> specific customary relations, such as courtship, concub<strong>in</strong>age, andmarriage. Second, to bolster this positive control, it discourages sexual <strong>in</strong>timacy <strong>in</strong> allother situations, e.g., when the persons are not potential mates or when they are alreadymated to other persons. F<strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>in</strong> what is really a peculiar category <strong>of</strong> the negative rules,it absolutely prohibits sexual relations <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> specified situations. This last form <strong>of</strong>control refers almost exclusively to <strong>in</strong>cest taboos, which re<strong>in</strong>force the first-named(positive) control by banish<strong>in</strong>g the disruptive forces <strong>of</strong> sexual competition from thefamily group (Davis, 2000, and Ullah, 1999). Of the numerous functions which sexual<strong>in</strong>stitutions serve, the most vital relate to the physical and social reproduction <strong>of</strong> the nextgeneration. If we ask, then, which sexual <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> a society receive the greatestsupport from law and mores, we must po<strong>in</strong>t to those which facilitate the task <strong>of</strong>procreat<strong>in</strong>g and socializ<strong>in</strong>g the young. It follows that sanctioned sexual relations aregenerally those with<strong>in</strong> these (or auxiliary) <strong>in</strong>stitutions, while unsanctioned relations arethose outside them (Ennew, Heran, Gopal and Montagmery, 1996).This paper discusses the pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> the respondents, frequency <strong>of</strong> enterta<strong>in</strong>ment,length <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession and the dilemmas they encounter. Ordeals dur<strong>in</strong>g police raids <strong>in</strong> theirplace <strong>of</strong> operation and place <strong>of</strong> stay, deprivation from the brokers they stay with, andconsent <strong>of</strong> their guardians to run the pr<strong>of</strong>ession have been documented.MethodologyA total <strong>of</strong> 221 respondents from three categories <strong>of</strong> sex workers (SW) wereselected randomly for <strong>in</strong>terview. Fifty-one were float<strong>in</strong>g, 76 were brothel workers and therest, 94, were hotel sex workers. To determ<strong>in</strong>e the size <strong>of</strong> the sample a standard methodwas employed keep<strong>in</strong>g the level <strong>of</strong> precision at ±five per cent and 95 per cent confidence<strong>in</strong>terval. Float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers were selected from Dhaka city operat<strong>in</strong>g at different parksunder open sky (Suhrawardi, Agargaon and Ramna parks); hotel sex workers wereselected from the mediocre hotels <strong>in</strong> Dhaka city from Magh Bazar and Shanti Nagar AreaJournal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 112
for the study. <strong>Sex</strong> workers from two brothels namely Gang<strong>in</strong>a brothel located <strong>in</strong>Mymens<strong>in</strong>gh district town and the other is Maruari Mandir brothel located <strong>in</strong> Jessoredistrict town were selected.Tak<strong>in</strong>g gender sensitivity <strong>in</strong>to consideration, female <strong>in</strong>terviewers were recruitedfor data collection, while for quality control the author supervised the work. Both closeand open-ended questionnaire was used to collect data. Three qualitative sessions (focusgroup discussions-FGD) were conducted. For analyz<strong>in</strong>g data both descriptive andanalytical statistics have been applied. ANOVA was applied to see the difference <strong>in</strong> meannumber <strong>of</strong> different groups <strong>of</strong> respondents, while χ 2 and t-test were applied to see thedifference <strong>of</strong> means <strong>of</strong> two groups. However, this paper uses part <strong>of</strong> the data collected fora large project. This project stared <strong>in</strong> 2001 and expected to cont<strong>in</strong>ue until end <strong>of</strong> 2005.Results and discussionMarriage and its subsidiary patterns constitute the chief cultural arrangementthrough which erotic expression is held to reproduction. It is accord<strong>in</strong>gly the mostrespectable sexual <strong>in</strong>stitution (DaGrassa, 1989), with the others dim<strong>in</strong>ish<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>respectability as they stand further away from wedlock. Even the secondary forms <strong>of</strong>erotic behavior such as flirtation, coquetry and pett<strong>in</strong>g have their legitimate and theirillegitimate sett<strong>in</strong>gs (Davis, 2000). Their legitimate aspects may be subsumed undercourtship, lead<strong>in</strong>g to marriage; but if <strong>in</strong>dulged <strong>in</strong> for themselves, with no <strong>in</strong>tention <strong>of</strong>matrimony, they are devoid <strong>of</strong> the primary function and tend to be disapproved. Ifpracticed by persons married to others, they are <strong>in</strong>imical to reproductive relations alreadyestablished and are more seriously condemned. If practiced by close relatives with<strong>in</strong> theprimary family, they represent a threat to the very structure <strong>of</strong> the reproductive <strong>in</strong>stitutionitself, and are str<strong>in</strong>gently tabooed. These attitudes are much more rigid with regard toactual <strong>in</strong>tercourse, not only because coitus is the essence <strong>of</strong> the sexual but because it hascome to symbolize an acceptable relationship present <strong>in</strong> the family (Davis, 2000, andSachs, 1994,).With this <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d we can add that when coitus is practiced for money its socialfunction is <strong>in</strong>determ<strong>in</strong>ate, secondary, and extr<strong>in</strong>sic. The buyer clearly has pleasure andnot reproduction <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d. The seller may use the money for any purpose. Hence unlessthe money is earmarked for some legitimate end the sexual relation between the buyerand seller is illegitimate, ephemeral, and condemned (Ullah and Rahman, 1999). Incommercial prostitution both parties use sex for an end not socially functional, the onefor pleasure, the other for money. To tie <strong>in</strong>tercourse to sheer physical pleasure is todivorce it both from reproduction and from the sentimental primary type <strong>of</strong> relation,which it symbolizes. To tie it to money, the most impersonal and atomistic type <strong>of</strong> rewardpossible, with no stipulation as to the use <strong>of</strong> this medium, does the same th<strong>in</strong>g. Pureprostitution is promiscuous, impersonal. The sexual response <strong>of</strong> the prostitute does noth<strong>in</strong>ge upon the personality <strong>of</strong> the other party, but upon the reward. The response <strong>of</strong> thecustomer likewise does not depend upon the particular identity <strong>of</strong> the prostitute, but uponthe bodily gratification. On both sides the relationship is merely a means to a private end,a contractual rather than a personal association (Bruce, 1996). S<strong>in</strong>ce prostitution is acontractual relation <strong>in</strong> which services are traded and sex is placed <strong>in</strong> an economiccontext, modern writers have made so much <strong>of</strong> the fact that the social evil has economiccauses. One might as well say, with equal perspicacity, that retail merchandis<strong>in</strong>g hasJournal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 113
economic causes. <strong>Prostitution</strong> embraces an economic relation, and is naturally connectedwith the entire system <strong>of</strong> economic forces (Ali, 1998).The causal ramifications <strong>of</strong> commercial coitus extend beyond the economicsphere. At least three separable but related problems must be recognized: (1) the causes<strong>of</strong> the existence <strong>of</strong> prostitution; (2) the causes <strong>of</strong> the rate or amount <strong>of</strong> prostitution; and(3) the causes <strong>of</strong> any particular <strong>in</strong>dividual s entrance <strong>in</strong>to, or patronage <strong>of</strong>, prostitution.The existence <strong>of</strong> prostitution seems related both to the physiological nature <strong>of</strong> man and tothe <strong>in</strong>herent character <strong>of</strong> society, both <strong>of</strong> which <strong>in</strong>clude more than the sheer economicelement. These basic factors, constantly operative, account for the ubiquity <strong>of</strong> prostitutionbut not for the variations <strong>in</strong> its rate. This second problem must be dealt with <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong>the specific <strong>in</strong>stitutional configuration exist<strong>in</strong>g at the time, <strong>in</strong> which economic factors arehighly but not exclusively important. F<strong>in</strong>ally, any particular person’s connection withprostitution is a result <strong>of</strong> his or her own unique life-history, <strong>in</strong>to which an <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>ite variety<strong>of</strong> strands, some economic and some not economic, are woven. These issues are generallyconfused by those who believe that by remov<strong>in</strong>g alleged economic causes one canabolish prostitution. Let us follow their arguments further, consider<strong>in</strong>g first the removal<strong>of</strong> economic causes with<strong>in</strong> the capitalist system, and second the removal <strong>of</strong> them <strong>in</strong> anon-capitalist system (Davis, 2000, Sachs, 1994, and Ullah, 1999).Why should a girl enter prostitution only through economic necessity? Is theoccupation so arduous? On the contrary, we <strong>of</strong>ten speak as if harlots would ratherprostitute themselves than work. It is even true that some women enjoy the <strong>in</strong>tercoursethey sell. From a purely economic po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view prostitution comes perilously near thesituation <strong>of</strong> gett<strong>in</strong>g someth<strong>in</strong>g for noth<strong>in</strong>g. The woman may suffer no loss at all, yetreceive a generous reward, resembl<strong>in</strong>g the artist who, though paid for his work, loves itso well that he would pa<strong>in</strong>t anyway (Chirwa, 1997). Purely from the angle <strong>of</strong> economicreturn, the hard question is not why so many women become sex workers, but why s<strong>of</strong>ew <strong>of</strong> them do. The harlot’s return is not primarily a reward for abst<strong>in</strong>ence, labor, orrent. It is primarily a reward for loss <strong>of</strong> social stand<strong>in</strong>g. She loses social esteem becauseour moral system condemns the commercialization <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tercourse. If, then, she refuses toenter the pr<strong>of</strong>ession until forced by sheer want, the basic cause <strong>of</strong> her hesitation is noteconomic but moral. Only when the moral condition is assumed does wages or economicwant takes on any importance. <strong>Prostitution</strong>, therefore, is not purely a matter <strong>of</strong> economicfactors alone (Davis, 2000). When outlawed, prostitution falls <strong>in</strong>to one peculiar category<strong>of</strong> crime a type exceed<strong>in</strong>gly hard to deal with <strong>in</strong> which one <strong>of</strong> the willful parties is theord<strong>in</strong>ary law-abid<strong>in</strong>g citizen. This k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> crime, <strong>of</strong> which bootlegg<strong>in</strong>g is the archetype issupported by the money and behavior <strong>of</strong> a sizeable portion <strong>of</strong> the citizenry, because <strong>in</strong> itthe citizen receives a service. Though the service is illegitimate, the citizen cannot beheld guilty, for it is both impossible and <strong>in</strong>advisable to punish half the populace for acrime (Girl<strong>in</strong>g, 1989).The eagerness <strong>of</strong> otherwise decent citizens to receive the illicit service attestspowerful forces beh<strong>in</strong>d the demand element. On the one hand, the demand is the result <strong>of</strong>a simple biological appetite. When all other sources <strong>of</strong> gratification fail, due to defects <strong>of</strong>person or circumstance, prostitution can be relied upon to furnish relief. None <strong>of</strong> theexact<strong>in</strong>g requirements <strong>of</strong> sex attraction and courtship are necessary. All that is needed isthe cash, and this can be obta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> a thousand ways. <strong>Prostitution</strong> is the most malleable,the most un<strong>in</strong>volved form <strong>of</strong> physical release. But <strong>in</strong> addition to the sheer desire forJournal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 114
sexual satisfaction, there is the desire for satisfaction <strong>in</strong> a particular, <strong>of</strong>ten unsanctioned,way. But even if present trends cont<strong>in</strong>ue, there is no likelihood that sex freedom will everdisplace prostitution. Not only will there always be a set <strong>of</strong> reproductive <strong>in</strong>stitutionswhich place a check upon sexual liberty, a system <strong>of</strong> social dom<strong>in</strong>ance which gives amotive for sell<strong>in</strong>g sexual favors, and a scale <strong>of</strong> attractiveness which creates the need forbuy<strong>in</strong>g these favors, but prostitution is, <strong>in</strong> the last analysis, economical (Davis, 2000).Enabl<strong>in</strong>g a small number <strong>of</strong> women to take care <strong>of</strong> the needs <strong>of</strong> a large number <strong>of</strong> men, itis the most convenient sexual outlet for an army, and for the legions <strong>of</strong> strangers,perverts, and physically repulsive <strong>in</strong> our midst. It performs a function, apparently, whichno other <strong>in</strong>stitution fully performs (Caravano, 1991).<strong>Empirical</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>il<strong>in</strong>gTheories endorse that only economic necessities don’t force the women to run thispr<strong>of</strong>ession or pave the way <strong>of</strong> prostitution rather sexual desire play role, while studyrevealed a broad range <strong>of</strong> reasons. Table 1 shows that all categories <strong>of</strong> women such asmarried, unmarried, abandoned or separated (refers to a situation that husband and wifelive separately but they were not divorced formally) and divorced who have been<strong>in</strong>itiated <strong>in</strong>to this pr<strong>of</strong>ession for varied reasons. Data show that the highest percentage (67per cent) <strong>of</strong> unmarried sex workers serve <strong>in</strong> hotels, while the lowest percentage (18 percent) <strong>of</strong> unmarried women operates as the float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers. The percentage <strong>of</strong>married sex workers was the highest (42 per cent) <strong>in</strong> brothels, but it was the lowest (17per cent) for hotel sex workers. The percentage <strong>of</strong> separated or abandoned women wasalmost the same among all groups. The percentage <strong>of</strong> divorced women was the highest(12 per cent) among the float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers, while it was the lowest (six per cent)among hotel sex workers. Irrespective <strong>of</strong> the groups, unmarried girls operate prostitutionwere the highest (45 per cent) followed by married ones (28 per cent), while the divorcedcases were the lowest 10 per cent (Table 1).The high demand for the unmarried andyoung girls <strong>in</strong> the sex market draws them more as compared to married and older andwomen with kids (Ullah, 1999). ANOVA shows that a significantly higher percentage <strong>of</strong>either separated or abandoned women become float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers compared with hoteland float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers (P
Table 1. Marital status <strong>of</strong> sex workersStatus f %UnmarriedMarriedSeparated and abandonedDivorcedFSWs9141711182733*22Total 51 100UnmarriedMarriedSeparated and abandonedDivorcedHSWs63169667**17106Total 94 100UnmarriedMarriedSeparated and abandonedDivorcedBSWs27321163642***148Total 76 100Source: Survey, 2001-2005.*P
Age group f %HSWs10-14 4 415-19 29 31*20-24 37 3925-29 20 2130-34 4 4FSWs10-14 8 1615-19 10 2020-24 9 1825-29 10 2030-34 9 1835-39 5 10BSWs10-14 4 515-19 34 45**20-24 23 3025-29 13 1730-34 2 3Source: Survey, 2001-2005.*P
Table 3. Length <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essionYears f %Hotel sex worker1-4 60 645-9 31 3310-14 3 3Float<strong>in</strong>g sex worker1-4 24 475-9 18 3510-14 9 18Brothel sex worker1-4 46 615-9 24 3210-14 6 8Source: Survey, 2001-2005.Frequency <strong>of</strong> enterta<strong>in</strong>mentMedically tested that the more frequent <strong>in</strong>tercourse occurs the more it is likely tocause micro or macro <strong>in</strong>jury to genitals (WHO, 1994) and it is also more likely to be<strong>in</strong>fected with HIV/AIDS through <strong>in</strong>tercourse with an <strong>in</strong>jurious genital, because blood <strong>of</strong>each other can more easily transmit when comes <strong>in</strong> closer contact (Scambler, 1992). Aman is able to have sexual <strong>in</strong>tercourse only when he is sexually excited. Arousal <strong>in</strong>women produces vag<strong>in</strong>al secretion, which can act as a lubricant dur<strong>in</strong>g penetrative sex.Women can have penetrative sex whether they are aroused or not. But if they are notequally excited they feel pa<strong>in</strong> and dryness that is more likely to be <strong>in</strong>jurious. Lubricationdur<strong>in</strong>g vag<strong>in</strong>al sex reduces friction (Murshed, Ullah, 2000; Karim, 1995). Dry vag<strong>in</strong>alchannel <strong>in</strong>creases the chance <strong>of</strong> vag<strong>in</strong>al tear<strong>in</strong>g associated with the risk <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fection. <strong>Sex</strong>with sexually excitement and arousal causes secretion <strong>of</strong> lubrication but when it is donerepeatedly without any excitement the genitals get dried up result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>jury to them.Several studies report that each sex worker <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong> has an average <strong>of</strong> four to sixclients a day, it means that every day <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong> over a half million men pay for sexas aga<strong>in</strong>st 100,000 commercial sex workers (Arroba, 1998) <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g that every day 0.5million <strong>of</strong> people are embrac<strong>in</strong>g the risk <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>fect<strong>in</strong>g STD/HIV/AIDS. The data however,show that the hotel sex workers, on an average, enterta<strong>in</strong> seven clients daily and brothelsex workers enterta<strong>in</strong> 15 clients. The frequency <strong>of</strong> some cases for young and beautifulgirls reaches up to 20 times. In the case <strong>of</strong> float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers, the average frequency is12. The highest frequency belonged to brothel sex workers and the lowest to hotels.The frequency <strong>of</strong> enterta<strong>in</strong>ment <strong>in</strong> a month might vary from the mean frequency.If the hotel sex workers are unable to take any client, they could voice their denial to thehotel authority. They were not forced to take more clients. It depended ma<strong>in</strong>ly on the will<strong>of</strong> the hotel sex workers themselves. Brothel sex workers are normally forced to take asmany clients as the sardarni did ask. A lot <strong>of</strong> brothel sex workers compla<strong>in</strong>ed that sometimes they fa<strong>in</strong>ted due to an undue number <strong>of</strong> clients. If they tried to show up their<strong>in</strong>ability to take more clients, the sardarni bit them up mercilessly. To escape thebrutality <strong>of</strong> the sardarni, they bear <strong>in</strong>human torture on their bodies. Float<strong>in</strong>g sex workershad also a higher number <strong>of</strong> clients daily because <strong>of</strong> their cheapest rate among allJournal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 118
categories <strong>of</strong> sex workers. The rates for them ranged from Tk 5.00 to 50.00 (US$0.08-0.83) per client. They <strong>in</strong>tend to earn their livelihood by enterta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the highest possiblenumber <strong>of</strong> clients they receive a day. Their rate however has not <strong>in</strong>creased for the last tenyears comply<strong>in</strong>g with the <strong>in</strong>flation.Table 4. Mean frequency <strong>of</strong> enterta<strong>in</strong>ment.CategoriesMean FrequencyHotel 7Brothel 15Float<strong>in</strong>g 12Source: Survey, 2001-2005.ConsentS<strong>in</strong>ce this pr<strong>of</strong>ession is not yet accepted as other pr<strong>of</strong>essions <strong>in</strong> the society theyoperate keep<strong>in</strong>g it secret to their relatives and guardians. Data show that nearly one-sixth(17 per cent) <strong>of</strong> the hotel sex workers ran this pr<strong>of</strong>ession with the consent <strong>of</strong> their localguardians, most <strong>of</strong> whom <strong>in</strong>cluded elder brothers, sisters, and fathers or even mothers.Very few however reported that their parents knew about their <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> thispr<strong>of</strong>ession and allowed them to run their bus<strong>in</strong>ess. Most <strong>of</strong> the hotel sex workers (61 percent) ran it beyond the knowledge <strong>of</strong> their local guardians. They ran this pr<strong>of</strong>ession underthe pretension that they work either <strong>in</strong> a garment factory or <strong>in</strong> a cl<strong>in</strong>ic <strong>in</strong> the city. Twentytwopercent operated stay<strong>in</strong>g with brokers, friends, or stay<strong>in</strong>g alone rent<strong>in</strong>g out a place <strong>in</strong>the city. About a quarter (26 per cent) <strong>of</strong> the float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers operate with the fullconsent <strong>of</strong> their local guardians. Husbands, sisters and wives <strong>of</strong> their brothers were theirlocal guardians. About one-third (33 per cent) <strong>of</strong> the float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers operateconceal<strong>in</strong>g their pr<strong>of</strong>essional identities to their guardians and 41 per cent operated stay<strong>in</strong>gwith brokers and friends. The question is why is the consent status important? Whatdifferences it makes if they operate with consent or without consent and if there is anydifference <strong>of</strong> consent status between hotel and float<strong>in</strong>g sex workers? To answer thesequestions chi-square test was employed. Consent status <strong>of</strong> brothel sex workers has notbeen considered s<strong>in</strong>ce this matter is immaterial to this group as most cases they ran itunder forced condition or got this pr<strong>of</strong>ession as <strong>in</strong>heritance (Ullah, 1999; Trapasso,1996). The data show that there is no significant difference between these two groupswhen judged the two status ‘operate with consent and ‘operate stay<strong>in</strong>g with brokers orfriends’ (P
Table 5. Hotel and FSWs operat<strong>in</strong>g with consent <strong>of</strong> guardianse Consent statusHotelFloat<strong>in</strong>g Significancef % f %Operate with consent 16 17 13 26 P
ConclusionBe<strong>in</strong>g repressed under grow<strong>in</strong>g economic crises, women and m<strong>in</strong>or girls areforced to engage <strong>in</strong> prostitution for survival. More and more children are jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g thispr<strong>of</strong>ession. While most <strong>of</strong> them <strong>in</strong>itiate this pr<strong>of</strong>ession under the repression <strong>of</strong> economichardship they are exposed to several vulnerabilities. They are forced to share their hardearnedmoney with a third party. Guardian such as elder sisters, brothers, parents areaccept<strong>in</strong>g this pr<strong>of</strong>ession. It is difficult to have the statistics <strong>of</strong> float<strong>in</strong>g and hotel sexworkers s<strong>in</strong>ce they neither have any particular locations nor do they ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> anyregistration. It is important to ensure proper implementation <strong>of</strong> the laws regard<strong>in</strong>g therights <strong>of</strong> the sex workers and to ensure their total liberty so that they can take as manyclients as their bodies permit. However, Hotel sex work<strong>in</strong>g is an emerg<strong>in</strong>g dynamics <strong>of</strong>sex work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong> <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the rate and volumes with the decl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g trend<strong>of</strong> brothel sex with the subsequent eviction <strong>of</strong> the oldest and biggest brothels <strong>in</strong><strong>Bangladesh</strong>. The paper concludes that dynamics <strong>of</strong> sex work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong> isextended to hotel sex work<strong>in</strong>g from two <strong>of</strong> its historically known categories such asbrothel sex and float<strong>in</strong>g sex.ReferencesAli Salma (1998) “<strong>Bangladesh</strong> country report on traffick<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> children and theircommercial sexual exploitation and other <strong>in</strong>tolerable form <strong>of</strong> child labour.<strong>Bangladesh</strong>” National Women Lawyers Association and ILO. Dhaka.[unpublished]Arroba <strong>An</strong>na (1998) “On sex and pleasure” <strong>in</strong> Gomez A, Meacham D, (Ed) Women,vulnerability and HIV/AIDS: a human rights perspective. Lat<strong>in</strong> America.Caribbean Women's Health Network. p115-21.Blanchet Therese (1996) “Lost <strong>in</strong>nocence: stolen childhood” Dhaka: University PressLimited.Bruce F (1996) “Child prostitution: a contemporary form <strong>of</strong> slavery” <strong>in</strong> Human RightsForum. Philipp<strong>in</strong>es(2).Caravano K (1991” “More than mothers and whores: redef<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the AIDS preventionneeds <strong>of</strong> women” International Journal <strong>of</strong> Health Services.18:36-41.Charlotte Watts (2000) “Violence aga<strong>in</strong>st women: its importance for HIV/AIDSprevention and care” <strong>in</strong> News and Views. Women's Health Project. SouthAfrica:34.Chirwa WC (1997) “Migrant labour: sexual labour network<strong>in</strong>g and multi-partnered sex <strong>in</strong>Malawi” <strong>in</strong> Health Trans Rev. (Suppl 3); 7:5-15.DaGrossa Pamela (1989) “Kamphaeng D<strong>in</strong>: a study <strong>of</strong> prostitution <strong>in</strong> the All-Thaibrothels <strong>of</strong> Chiang Mai city” <strong>in</strong> cross roads. 4 (2).Davis K<strong>in</strong>gsley (2000) “The Sociology <strong>of</strong> <strong>Prostitution</strong>” Calv<strong>in</strong>, USA.Ennew Juddith, Gopal Kususm, Heeran Janet, Montgomery Heather (1996) “Childrenandprostitution: how can we measure and monitor the commercial sexual exploitation<strong>of</strong> children?” Literature review and annotated bibliography. Cambridge.Girl<strong>in</strong>g DA (Ed) (1978) “Everyman's Encyclopaedia. 6 th ed. Vol. 9&11” London: JMDent and Sons Ltd. 62-3.GoB (Government <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong>) (1991) “The Constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>Bangladesh</strong>”. Dhaka.Journal <strong>of</strong> International Women’s Studies Vol. 7 #2 November 2005 121
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