A feminine managementIn analysing the type of relations which are installed between the victim and theexploiters, it is necessary to bear in mind the fact that in the major number of casesa relation between women is concretised on a daily level. The commondenominator of the female exploiter and victim, in fact, results in being animportant element to understand the mechanisms that concern the management ofNigerian prostitution in Italy.The hub of prostitution exploitation for the Nigerian women is the femalefigure of the madam: to her the direct management of the victims is given.The madam who resides in Italy maintains a direct and preferential link to herfemale homologue figure in Nigeria (the so-called Nigerian madam, oftenbelonging to the same extended family) who has a fundamental role to guaranteethe link of subordination deriving from the magic-religious pact and in thesubjection of the family of the woman immigrant.“A. calls her mother in Nigeria, she greets her and asks her how she is. Thenthe mother tells her that she went to see w<strong>here</strong> the girl is that should be sent. A.replies that they had said that she left Nigeria today. A. asks her mother if she cansend her something to stop the girls from escaping ”.“A. tells her mother that her girls are not working and t<strong>here</strong>fore she shouldsend her something to make them work and adds she should also send somethingto keep the girls. The mother asks if she has to send her again that thing that shehad sent last time. A. replies yes, and asks her to go also to that place to get advicefrom a “witch doctor”, something for the girls and something for her. The motherof A. replies that you can’t ask these things in the place w<strong>here</strong> she goes to themeetings as the parents of some of the girls are t<strong>here</strong> and t<strong>here</strong>fore would come toknow that she is subjecting them to wodoo…she continues to ask the mother forsomething to put in the food to give to the girls so that they are subjected to her. A.reminds her to do the rite every morning so that the police will keep away ”.“T. calls Nigeria and speaks with her mother who tells her that they have notsent her the powder to put in the food, but another that you should pass over thehead of the girl which will stop her from running away it is something you do sothat the police don’t catch her.” (Transcription of a telephone intercept, criminalproceeding, Turin - 2001).Normally the women trafficked live in the house of the madam, or however in ahouse controlled indirectly by her 38 , and they are instructed by her on how tobehave at work. She will collect the profits of the prostitution activity daily, orperiodically.It is interesting to note how, according to the opinion of different operators ofthe police, t<strong>here</strong> does not seem to be a real “duty to earn” daily 39 : the madam in factmay tolerate moments of minor earning or however even modest earnings, as long38This is one of the many functions of the so-called controller, which we will deal with more in the nextChapter.39The figures on average are around 50 Euros per day and t<strong>here</strong>fore about 500 every ten days.
as she is sure to earn a fixed amount each month, around 500 Euros, given the factthat the women are made to pay the rent of the house, food and the so-called joint,the work place.As we will see, however, on this point the opinion of the victim is differentfrom that of the operators as they have particularly underlined the fact that notbrining money to the madam is sanctioned heavily.It is not necessarily the madam who exploits the woman that is also the“grantee” of the joint: from the telephone interceptions 40 emerges that in somecases the joint is paid to another madam. This female figure sometimes managesalso her own women and offers, against payment, some work places to othermadams; other times, instead, she seems to occupy herself exclusively with the rentof the joint.The Law Enforcement operators do not seem to attribute much importance or aparticular significance to such eventual sub-division of the roles, unlike the womenwho consider the madam who alone manages the joint, a more important and morepowerful figure than the “normal” madam.It is always the madam who also manages the arrival of the women fromNigeria. It is often her, in first person, who occupies herself with recovering thewomen who for some reason have not directly reached the destination.It should be noted that in the testimony of many social operators the link withthe madam seems to be characterised by an extreme variability.Two different types of acquisition of victims are noted. In the first case, theItalian madam waits for the arrival of the new girls and it is in preventive contactwith the person who will conduct them to her. In the second, instead, the girl isrecruited and conducted to Italy, and only at the time of her arrival is she “put onthe market” and acquired by a madam. Some testimony refers, in fact, to longjourneys of the girl through Italy, necessary to obtain the sale, before the victimreaches destination with “her” madam.The variability of the links concern the management of the money and handingover the amounts to the madam. It can be daily or periodically, with the importantdifference that, in the first case, the victim is subjected to a heavier and continuouscontrol (which also concerns the amount of autonomy of the victim to go to theplace of work and go shopping). The second indicates that a relationship of faithexists between the victim and the madam.This feminine mediation deprives the traffic from Nigeria of some odiousaspects of exploitation of prostitution which characterises other aspects (such assexual violence by the pimps), but denotes ambiguity. The madam in fact is aslave-driver, but at the same time also a figure worthy of respect, sometimes nearlymaternal when, deep down, she is known as a benefactor. Once the debt is paid themadam may in fact help the girl to earn money for herself and her family andsupport her in the successive passage from prostitute to madam.40The telephone intercepts are numerous, w<strong>here</strong> they speak about buying and selling joints, in differentproceedings analysed.
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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- Page 33 and 34: In this variegated framework, the d
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- Page 39 and 40: Various privileged witnesses of the
- Page 41 and 42: In the first years of the traffic o
- Page 43 and 44: pay considerable sums for lodging,
- Page 45 and 46: The routesWe find at least three ty
- Page 47 and 48: Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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- Page 51 and 52: new dispositions and contacts to co
- Page 53 and 54: Then he sends her in a taxi to the
- Page 55 and 56: T. remains in this house for 21 day
- Page 57 and 58: detainees go towards the refectory,
- Page 59 and 60: At this point the organisation esco
- Page 61 and 62: was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
- Page 63 and 64: B.E. «Yes, I was given a Ghanaian
- Page 65 and 66: Now the documents are “hired”:
- Page 67 and 68: It is understood however that the v
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- Page 74 and 75: have no shop and then there is no p
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- Page 84 and 85: The control of movementThe fact tha
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- Page 88 and 89: Control between psychological subje
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- Page 94 and 95: Each penal procedure on the subject
- Page 96 and 97: Often it is the same madam who move
- Page 98 and 99: Even in numerous recent criminal pr
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- Page 110 and 111: A: «You have to bring me a present
- Page 112 and 113: Often the family is however not abl
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- Page 118 and 119: eal results: to distance herself fr
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- Page 124 and 125: In the case of the girls having mor
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person to obtain either relevant re
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Numerous are the criminal juridical
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If the accused claims to not knowin
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sanctions, sometimes, also in prese
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d) Investigative and judiciary co-o
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The reform foresees, under Art. 1,
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which the woman can definitively tu
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witnesses, social operators - agree
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and necessary, therefore, to think
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in many cases they are driven to th
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Melossi, D., (2002), “Le teorie s