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C O N C L U S I O N SThe effort to completely analyse the many and variegated aspects of thephenomenon of exploitation and Nigerian prostitution in Italy has permitted tohighlight the peculiar characteristics and, at the same time, to pick out the partswhich make them not dissimilar from the more widespread phenomenon oftrafficking in persons and placement on the market of paid sexual services which,for many years, involves persons of different origins in not very different ways andpaths.The specificity of the context studied should not, in other words, let us forgetthat the possibility of recruitment, the management of the transfer from thecountries of origin to those of the destination, their placement on the market, thesame presence of a demand that such an offer in fact supports, are recorded in somebasic parts of social and cultural dynamics which characterise the contemporaryera.Even with their peculiarities - that we have so many times emphasised inconsidering the synthesis of the previous chapter - the network of Nigerianorganised crime, which organises the traffic and manages the exploitation of youngand very young women, are fully placed within the framework of the illegaleconomies of trans-national character which appear to characterise the era ofglobalisation.As emphasised by Monica Massari (2003, p. 202), “the strongly territorialvision of the nature of these groups - Albanian criminals, Chinese, Nigerian,Columbian, Turkish, Russian, etc. - are grafted, t<strong>here</strong>fore, on the extraterritorialitynature of the main illicit markets, which are structured in a spacecomposed of countries and geographical areas often quite distant from each other.Local and global - even in the case of criminality - make up two opposed and yetcomplementary faces of the same phenomenon ”.The criminal potential of single groups is guaranteed by its roots within thelocal context, but at the same time is assured by the capacity to weave profitablerelationships with other groups and with the resources available in differentcontexts.The Nigerian case, however, appears to be the prototype of organisationalforms which, taking the example of a legal type of entrepreneurial form, todaycharacterise the most efficient criminal organisations: reduced dimensions of theoperational nucleus, capacity to build networks, whether intra-ethnic or withsubjects from other cultures and other organisations, capacity to build alliances andto exploit all opportunities presented to them, great flexibility, weaving -relationships with submissive and exploited persons - and the use of the force ofties together with the use of pressure and threats.But the parts of the culture which characterise the “post-modern” phase are alsoto be found in the motivations and aspirations of not few of the victims. Certainly
in many cases they are driven to the desire to emigrate and to settle themselves inthe western context by the processes of anticipated socialisation permeated bycomplex needs and sentiments, by models of life and consumption which havebecome a patrimony to everyone within the processes of globalisation of theaspirations and widely known and described styles of life in recent sociologicalliterature.Finally, can we also assume that the demand expressed in the context of asociety such as ours - according to some, very little thematically as a factor whichin effect feeds on the exploitation and the maintenance of the interests oforganisations that manage it - is strongly featured by the cultural imperatives whichcharacterise the present time.The imperative of the consumption of easily accessible paid sensations, theexaltation of the dimensions of the journey and of another place as a means ofindispensable realisation, the need to maintain relationships of domination (of atype or race) which can only be reproduced on the market, and other elements areever more present in the dynamics of a demand which never cease to bequantitatively relevant.Moreover - in the case of the demand directed to the Nigerian target, placedoften in marginal positions on the market and also prevalently “enjoyed” by a notvery sensitive clientele composed of marginal individuals - with some odiousaccentuations of such tendencies, which frequently produce victims, andhumiliation to the women protagonists.All this brings us to the need for articulated strategies and the complexity of thepossible intervention to effectively fight the phenomenon and above all to preventits replication. The repression action against the exploitation networks cannot beseparated from action tending to guarantee an adequate local development within aframework which, above all, appears fragile if it is not grafted on to widerprocesses, capable of questioning the entire system of economic and socialrelations which characterise the era in which we live, on questions of sense andprospect not only for those who are involved in these problems, but for everyone.
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
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B.E. «Yes, I was given a Ghanaian
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Now the documents are “hired”:
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It is understood however that the v
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“There is no Nigerian passport wh
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C H A P T E R I VL i v i n g a n d
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have no shop and then there is no p
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The cost to manage the house and th
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mine since a long time, he can’t
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A feminine managementIn analysing t
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“There are many pimps that when y
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The control of movementThe fact tha
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Physical punishments can be made by
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Control between psychological subje
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arms), tortured in many different f
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C H A P T E R VT h e o r g a n i s
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Each penal procedure on the subject
Page 96 and 97: Often it is the same madam who move
Page 98 and 99: Even in numerous recent criminal pr
Page 100 and 101: work arrangements (…) persons tha
Page 102 and 103: man all the money she had in the ho
Page 104 and 105: in the plates and everything and th
Page 106 and 107: exploitation) has reached an amount
Page 108 and 109: C H A P T E R V IT h e e n d o f t
Page 110 and 111: A: «You have to bring me a present
Page 112 and 113: Often the family is however not abl
Page 114 and 115: the different evaluations of the as
Page 116 and 117: The discussions on the possibility
Page 118 and 119: eal results: to distance herself fr
Page 120 and 121: of a different culture is very impo
Page 122 and 123: C H A P T E R V I IC o n s i d e r
Page 124 and 125: In the case of the girls having mor
Page 126 and 127: As has been many times noted, the c
Page 128 and 129: under the profile of the “quality
Page 130 and 131: person to obtain either relevant re
Page 132 and 133: Numerous are the criminal juridical
Page 134 and 135: If the accused claims to not knowin
Page 136 and 137: sanctions, sometimes, also in prese
Page 138 and 139: d) Investigative and judiciary co-o
Page 140 and 141: The reform foresees, under Art. 1,
Page 142 and 143: which the woman can definitively tu
Page 144 and 145: witnesses, social operators - agree
Page 146: and necessary, therefore, to think
Page 151 and 152: Melossi, D., (2002), “Le teorie s
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