which the woman can definitively turn her back, even under a psychologicalprofile, on her past as a prostitute.Another element of difference between the different local contexts concerns thediscretion of the acceptance of the request for permission not accompanied by acharge, even if foreseen by law as a path for “social insertion”. Such requests arenot generally accepted, with the exception of some local contexts, such as Caserta,Rimini and the Marche-Abruzzo area.The principal margins of possible improvement pointed out by the socialoperators concern the relations with the Questure. One first problem regards thetime that is taken to obtain the concession of permissions to stay. Even in somecases the time for the concession of permissions to stay have been considerablyreduced (in Novara we registered the case of a permission to stay conceded in onemonth), the need to single out fixed interlocutors and operation protocols is verymuch felt, overcoming the obstacles with more ease and reducing the waiting time.The institution in the Questura of someone ad hoc responsible for the victims ofthe traffic is still rare and could ease the work of the operators.Some associations, (Comunità Rut - Caserta; Caritas - Turin) have signalled asa turning point to have been able to find women interlocutors in the Questure.“The immigration office in the Questure has been feminised and this aspect haschanged the attention towards the women of the street and has obliged even themobile squad to have a different attitude ” (Caritas, Servizio Migranti - Turin).The women present in the immigration offices appear more sensitive to theneeds of the victims and more available to sensitize in their work environment, butit is only a tendency which is in the minority. Apart from the hoped forfeminisation of the police personnel on cases of the traffic, t<strong>here</strong> remains however awider problem of a different sensitivity and attention on the part of the differentpersons of the Questure and of the police in general, with respect to the victims.The social operators often denounce strong inconsistent behaviour in the police,mainly ascribable to the absence of co-ordination, which is translated intounforeseen changes in repressive actions for repatriation and of collaboration in theimplementation of Article 18. One of the possible forms of interventions, littleexperimented, is the institution of an information window in the Questura andpolice stations for the victims of the traffic. The possibility to inform the womenstopped about the possibility of accessing the path of Article 18 could give positiveeffects, also in terms of sensitisation of the police.In this picture the very delicate subject of the attitude of single police officerstowards the victim of traffic is to be found. During the course of the research,testimony was collected in relation to the policemen who habitually have sexualintercourse with the victims.“Sometimes when we are on the street, we see some police who are clients. Onegirl told me that she had a policeman as a client, who warned her not to go on thestreet when a round-up was envisaged. This is not good. They should do theirwork” (Centro Fernandes - Castelvolturno).
Even if it is always an individual case, it is however important to note that theexistence of this attitude damages the image and the credibility of the police.If one abandons the field of the institutional relations and looks instead at theproposals which could make the support actions of the victims more efficacious inthe future, t<strong>here</strong> are some priorities.In the process of the exit of the victims from the prostitution circuit and thedifficult search for autonomy, one of the decisive passages is represented by thesearch for a new work situation. Work offers the women a source of sure earnings,the possibility to send money to the family, a new social context, the opportunity toreconstruct a life. On this point t<strong>here</strong> emerged the growing difficulty on the part ofthe associations, NGOs, and religious organisations of autonomous support of thecosts of starting the victims in work. The associations point out on the other hand agrowing reduction over the years of state financing to support exit projects. Thedrop in public support has obliged in certain cases the reduction of the number ofinterventions and/or diminishing the resources set aside for the most costlyactivities, such as grants and the training paths. The financial support of the localorganisations has often proved decisive, and it is more so since the resourcesdestined to Article 18 projects started to decrease. It would be important in thisdirection to also involve employers and labour associations, who up to now havemarginally contributed to sustain projects for insertion into work.As far as prevention and health assistance, more attention should be paid to theexisting alarm of a considerable increase, over the next years in deaths due to AIDSof the Nigerian women today HIV positive (Comunità Rut - Caserta), given theexponential increase in the spreading of the virus in Nigeria. In this direction newforms of collaboration with the health institutions should be prefigured and specificpaths defined for the social and work insertion of those who have health problems.Possibilities of prevention and intervention in NigeriaThe interviews with the victims and the social operators, who more intenselywork in Italy on the phenomenon of the Nigerian traffic, give a picture of strongpessimism on the possibility of being able to intervene with efficacious preventionactions in Nigeria. Decidedly generalised is, in fact, the obvious consideration thatthe phenomenon of the traffic is a direct product of poverty, cultural privation, inthe absence of prospects for an entire nation.The reasons of the possible preventive actions bring us, in the major number ofthe cases, to reflect on the necessity to act “at the top” on the reduction of thecauses of poverty, on the search for occasions of work, on the incentives ofscholarity. On the other hand often the reflection on possible actions in Nigeriabrings about a request to make the local fight against criminality more incisive,even through the reinforcement of the scanty Italian staff within Interpol in Nigeria(Comunità Papa Giovanni XXIII - Rimini).Having abandoned the idea that an action or a series of resolutive interventionscan be put into action, above all in the short term, the conviction remains thatsomething must be done urgently. All the subjects interviewed - victims, privileged
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
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B.E. «Yes, I was given a Ghanaian
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Now the documents are “hired”:
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It is understood however that the v
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“There is no Nigerian passport wh
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C H A P T E R I VL i v i n g a n d
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have no shop and then there is no p
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The cost to manage the house and th
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mine since a long time, he can’t
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A feminine managementIn analysing t
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“There are many pimps that when y
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The control of movementThe fact tha
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Physical punishments can be made by
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Control between psychological subje
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arms), tortured in many different f
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