under the profile of the “quality” of the client, featured as well as “marginal”,or of a low socio-economic level, which sees in the Nigerian prostitution theonly possibility to enjoy sexual services against payment, from the momentthat this has, for the effect of adaptation between the demand and the offer, alimited cost.It should be noted that the marginal placement on the territory (in places lessvisible) and the characteristics of the clients (not rarely possessing a culture w<strong>here</strong>they see in a “black” woman an inferior being, who has no sentiments andsensitivity like that of white women) place the Nigerian girls in major risks both onthe level of physical safety as well as on that of victimisation in the widest sense(humiliation, force with regard to the service pretended, hold ups, and stealingmoney, etc.).10. The principal peculiarity of Nigerian prostitution is represented, as has beenrepeated many times, as that of being if not exclusively, certainly principally “awomen’s affairs”. As much as this represents a lower form of exploitation, asambivalent as it is presented to the eyes of the observers the ties between theexploiter and the victim, as much as finally the role of the first is seen as a possibleobjective for the second, all this marks in a particular manner the whole businesswhich we have dealt.Certainly t<strong>here</strong> is no lack, in the evaluation of the girls that have lived thisexperience, of strongly severe criticism of the madams and their methods, as t<strong>here</strong>is no lack of the impression that the men (with the exception of the “hitter”) areconsidered more positively (and potentially more tolerant exploiters). Howeverwhat without doubt is that, with all the exceptions, the respect of the pacts andsome behaviour rules, above all with the passing of time, <strong>allo</strong>w many girls andwomen to “manage” through the period necessary to free themselves from debt.But once again it should be noted that this does not concern all the victims.Even in this case a thorough investigation of a comparative type between a certainnumber of situations could confirm that which can be considered only ahypothesis: that the different capacities of “strategic” adaptation, the differentintelligence used, the different grade of knowledge of the reality and the different“social capital” define trajectories more or less in terms of control, markedpressure, violence, blackmail and deception. From <strong>here</strong> the different grade ofsuffering: some situations that seem to pass undamaged, psychologically, throughthe experience and others who, on the contrary, give in and have psychiatricdisturbances or even find refuge in alcohol or other psycho-active substances.The relevance of the relationship with the context, whether that of the Italianreality in which the girl is placed, or that of her countrymen not implicated in thenetwork of exploitation of prostitution (for example the Protestant and Catholicchurches that see many Nigerians get together for the services and as a form ofaggregation), also appears variable because dependent on individual capacity offinding - at least in the phase in which the control of the madams or theorganisations is slackened - useful references to build alternatives or to live a lifenot limited to the environment of prostitution.
11. We have talked a lot about the network model, its organisation and itscharacteristics: the capacity of adapting, the slight visibility or indeed the attentionto not appear threatening to the environment.It has also been seen how the various units can count on subjects and groups(not only those of countrymen and not only of Africans) each of which possesses afunctional specialisation: hooking the victim, pre-disposition for documents,transportation, escorts, logistical support, assistance and solutions of controlproblems, transfer of proceeds, legal re-investment, re-investment in illegalactivities.That which none of the interlocutors and none of the investigations examinedhave been able to throw a light on, is the nature of the relations between the singleknots of the network, the levels of interchange and shared use of “specialised”resources, but above all if t<strong>here</strong> exists and what type is a relationship of a verticaltype which configures a pyramid model of criminal organisation, perhaps inNigeria and correlated to the belonging to an ethnic group (in its dimension, forexample, of the extended family clan) or another form of association of interests.Certainly it appears hardly credible - if the analysis which many undertake onthe tight relationship between exploitation of prostitution and investment in activitysuch as the drug trade is true - a vision of the criminal phenomenon connected toexploitation as very split up, and without connections and ties (for example offorced contributions and respect of the regulations imposed) with groups ofcriminals who manage such traffic and who appear even more structured.But, as we have said, it is a level of analysis which is still little explored, whichwould merit further investigation, possible only if it is possible to define forms ofclose and organic collaboration with the Law Enforcement operators in Nigeria12. The results of the individual exploitation are, we have seen, the expressionof different ways that single victims have developed to manage the relationaldimension of the experience, to evaluate its negative aspects and those if notpositive, at least useful, to follow the tracks to proceed, with progressiveadaptation, in the direction of overcoming the conditions of mere suppliers ofearnings to those who exploit. Also, as we have seen, the ties to the family left inNigeria, the stimulation that they are able or unable to offer, the needs that theyexpress and the demands and ties which they make count a lot.The outcomes are t<strong>here</strong>fore conclusions, sometimes provisional, of differenttracks each of which is the expression of an interlacement of elements and factors,either correlated to the subjective characteristics of the persons, or to situations andoccasions that from time to time are encountered, and also to the maturation ofideas and convictions.The transformation of the victims into exploiters - principal source of t<strong>here</strong>production of the mechanism - is certainly one of the possible frequent outcomes,that can be taken into consideration for various reasons, but which <strong>allo</strong>ws the
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
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B.E. «Yes, I was given a Ghanaian
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Now the documents are “hired”:
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It is understood however that the v
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“There is no Nigerian passport wh
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C H A P T E R I VL i v i n g a n d
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have no shop and then there is no p
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The cost to manage the house and th
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