of a different culture is very important. The problem is often seen to be the vivacityof the Nigerian women, together with the tendency to recreate the conditions of anexclusive sharing with the girls of their own nationality.The questions linked to a certain “cultural dissonance” 84 - for obvious reasonsless marked in the victims from East Europe - emerge when it is necessary to fixand to respect some regulations, either in the community life, or in the experienceof the start of work. In the testimony collected, the Nigerian girls clearlyunderstand the hierarchical relationships, but they have difficulties in respectingsome agreed rules, such as tidiness and punctuality. The work of the operatorsoften is concentrated on these preliminary elements which can be fundamental inthe moment of starting work. In some cases, the Nigerian girls seem to find it moredifficult than others to respect the implicit pact which is present in the workrelationship.“The big work to be done in the phase of tutoring for insertion in work is toexplain the rules of work well. Things which we usually consider normal are notnormal; for example: to arrive on time, or to advise when you don’t go to workbecause you are ill, the fact that the employer is an employer and not an owner. Itis necessary to communicate the regulations well” (Associazione On the Road -Martinsicuro).Even if the market offers always more opportunities to work in the field ofdomestic and personal help (domestic, carer, baby sitter), some associations havementioned a lack of success in starting the Nigerian girls in this type of work.“The Nigerian women are not suited for domestic work, objectively, because oftheir culture. They want to work in a factory or autonomous work” (CentroFernandez - Castelvolturno).Factory work seems to be, overall, very much appreciated by the Nigerian girlsinserted in projects ex Art. 18. Amongst the explanations emerging: the low levelof schooling of many girls, the subjective perception of a “sure” job, the gooddisposition towards practical work. Frequent destinations are also hotel structuresand commercial activities, tailoring, shoe making.AutonomyAutonomy of life of the victim is the objective which the organisationsinterviewed follow with different means and timing. Some consider that it is anobjective to pursue as soon as the psychological, formal (permission to stay) andeconomic (possession of work) conditions permit. Others seem instead to preferlonger paths, in which the victim is free to choose and adopt, at least for some time,or to abandon, the life of community sharing offered by the organisation (generallyclearly of religious vocation).In the first case they try to stimulate the woman to seek, for example, anautonomous lodging, and work “on the market”, considered necessary for a free84An operator interviewed has however, underlined the fact that the Nigerian women are more sincereand spontaneous, while more frequently the women of Eastern Europe have ambiguous attitudes in theirdaily relations.
life. In the second case instead it is preferred to support the woman by placing herto live in a community, near “protected” work, possibly in a social co-operative.What the two paths have in common is the objective to start the victim in acondition of life which guarantees the possibility of creating the prospective of afuture in Italy.The operators emphasise that even in the subjects that manage, with moresuccess, to “integrate themselves” in Italy, perhaps creating their own family, t<strong>here</strong>lationship with the family of origin however remains strong and is a determinant.It is difficult to say if the girls out of the circuit of the traffic and prostitutionmanage to feel themselves part of the Italian society in which they live, but it issure however that a strong sentiment of belonging to the community of originremains. Nearly always the women who manage to liberate themselves continue fora long time to send money to the family and often their desire is to return to theircities or villages when their economic conditions can assure also to the othermembers of the family a dignified life.Cases of girls who have asked to return immediately to Nigeria and who arehelped to do so, often through International Organisation for Migration (IOM), ifthey exist, are not frequent. An operator has commented: “The Nigerian girls livethe return as a defeat. It is not serious to be a prostitute in Europe; it is moreserious to be unemployed, with the family without prospects in Nigeria” (CaritasServizio Migranti - Turin).One aspect reported frequently by the operators, also in relation to the victimsof other nationalities, concerns the strong initiative of the Nigerian girls, which istranslated into a good will to change city, to rely on friends and acquaintances ofthe Nigerian community in Italy to find lodgings. The Nigerian women seem, inother words, to possess strong project capacity.A social operator, regarding this, told us about a recent European project forresearch and intervention (NACO Project, Leonardo da Vinci Programme) whichforesaw an intensive course for the victims of the traffic of various nationalities,with the aim of analysing and intervening on the potential, prospects, projects ofthe victims in the five years to come. The project has highlighted a markeddynamism of the Nigerian women.“The girls from Eastern Europe finished the course with frequent crises ofdepression, tears, they see themselves without prospects and very little self-esteem,while for the Nigerians on the contrary, it was very positive, t<strong>here</strong> was not one whocried, all very strong, very dignified, a lot of self-esteem, with clear ideas: (…) thenafter I go to Canada, become a secretary, an accountant. They make very preciseprojects regarding the future” (Associazione Tampep - Turin).If they accept the difficulties connected with a full insertion into the social life -that always comes very slowly and is often hindered by a sensitive diffidencetowards the victims - the general picture presented by the social operators ist<strong>here</strong>fore characterised by a strong co-participation of the victims who decide tostart on a path of separation from the condition of exploitation and the projects ofre-insertion.
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
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B.E. «Yes, I was given a Ghanaian
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Now the documents are “hired”:
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It is understood however that the v
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