the different evaluations of the associations regarding the opportunity ofsupporting the path without complaint, when this is not opportune andpossible 80 ;the ideological-cultural basic options of the associations, regardingprostitution and the most opportune policies to face the matter;the availability of work occasions on the territory and the orientation of theQuesture on the conversion of permissions to stay for social protection intopermissions to stay for work reasons;the attitudes of the Questure on the motives for revoking permissions to stay.We will look at some of theses aspects 81 and the relapse that they have in thestructuring of the exit paths of the victims from their condition. We will try tohighlight the critical knots that characterise the exit of the Nigerian victims fromthe prostitution circuit, in a path undertaken together with the associations. We willdo so, isolating those which, in the judgement of the operators, are the principaland most problematic phases of the taking in charge of Nigerian girls and women.The first contactThe first contact between the support services and the victims of the trafficfollow two different means. following to the decision of the victim to turn to one ofthe organisations seeking some type of help or, on the contrary, the organisationsreach the girls and propose them the possibility to free themselves from thecondition in which they live.In the first case, very useful has been the toll-free number instituted by theMinistry, which distributes the calls of the victims at the local level. According tothese appointed operators, however, the breaking of the publicity campaign in themass media for long periods has greatly weakened this important instrument ofcontact.The tam tam between the victims, particularly extensive among the girls ofNigerian origin, has on the other hand revealed the most efficacious and frequentcontact channel. The organisations, particularly in the activity of drop-ins, arereached even daily by telephone calls and visits from women who ask for a widerange of interventions: from economic to health assistance, even as far as theexplicit request for help to leave the life on the street. Only a small part of thesecontacts transform themselves however into an exit path.Very important, in the testimony of the operators, has proved to be the cautionand graduality, necessary to break the climate of silence and create a condition offaith in the victim, on which basis to start a proposal to take in charge.80Some consider that the availability of victims to make a charge is a fundamental precondition forchanging life and the interruption of the relationship of psychological harassment; others however are ofthe opinion that the absence of a charge is absolutely necessary in some cases so as to not exercise furtherviolence on the women.81For scrutiny of all the aspects indicated, see Petrini-Ferraris (2002, page 33); Prina (2002 b, page 58);Petrini (2002, page 491); Prina (2002 a, page 499); Petrini-Prina-Virgilio (2002; page 529).
More complex and articulate instead is the contact undertaken at the initiativeof the organisation, which is generally carried out through the street units. Thelatter often undertake work of assistance, moral comfort, first information and/oractivity of “reducing the damage”, which only over a long period can favour thebringing to maturity of choices in the direction of redemption. Many women arecontacted every night through the street units, but only some, often after some time,turn to the organisations to obtain information on exit paths.Even if t<strong>here</strong> is generally a consolidated relationship and reciprocal recognitionwith the police, t<strong>here</strong> are many operators who point out an increasing difficulty inthe contacts with the victims through the street units, because of the intensificationof the so called “raids”, which provoke growing fears in the girls. The increase ofthe interventions to “clean the streets” has generated nearly everyw<strong>here</strong> a majordispersion of the places of prostitution, which has increased the difficulties for thestreet units and the diffidence of the victims.“The other night, to tell you, the street unit went out and t<strong>here</strong> was not even onein the streets w<strong>here</strong> normally t<strong>here</strong> were 30-40; then we learned that that nightt<strong>here</strong> was a serious accident and the police had intervened...” (Coopertiva Dedalus- Naples).Generally, the requests that the victims formulate to the street units are of someform of assistance, mainly sanitary (from simple medical visits to the interruptionof pregnancy), but also economic, lodging, legal, psychological and in a smallnumber of cases, psychiatric. Compared to the victims coming from EasternEurope, a major difficulty has been indicated for the Nigerian women to accede toall these services. T<strong>here</strong> is a major shyness and diffidence towards the institutions,the result of a fundamentally different cultural and political system, whichsometimes does not facilitate the work of the operators.“I think that the Albanians and the Romanians are favoured by a more similarcultural system. For the Nigerians, used to a system in which everything is paidfor, from typing a letter, to more important things, everything seems more difficult,more complicated. «Perhaps if I go t<strong>here</strong>, then they will ask for money and I don’thave any and then they will ask for documents» so that it is more difficult for aNigerian girl to contact an office, and it is not by chance that the Nigerians nevergo to the Office for Foreigners” (Associazione Tampep - Turin).The difficulty to create a relationship of faith with the Nigerian girls should nothowever be emphasised. In the major part of the cases analysed, together with thesocial operators, no insurmountable obstacles emerged, but instead particularneeds, often not expressed. Many, according to operators of different NGOs 82 , arethe cases of psychiatric disturbances in Nigerian women who prostitute themselves,who, on the other hand, are reluctant to obtain the benefit of psychologicalassistance.82In particular it relates to operators of Caritas Servizio Migranti - Turin; Liberazione e Speranza -Novara; Parsec - Rome.
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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was accepted by the Ivory Coast pol
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