Often the family is however not able to sustain the daughter and in many casesthe continued requests for money and the expectancies on the girl by the entireoriginal family nucleus prevent the woman any possibility of choice, obliging herto continue to prostitute herself for a long time even after having paid the debt.Some women interviewed posed the problem of the pressure on the family asone of the principal points that prevent many victims to consider a differentpossibility of life. This is one of the main causes of falling again into the circuit ofprostitution.“Even if you do not have the money to pay the rent, you must the same sendmoney home, it is not important for them that you can’t pay the rent. You havenothing <strong>here</strong>; you have no food in order to send money home. The exploiter is notthe pimp, is your mother and father, which is more serious (…). If you want todenounce them you are denouncing your mother (…) your mother exploits youmore than your pimp. It is slavery which starts from their family, not <strong>here</strong>, that iswhy they are used to it” (Interview Victim No.9).In addition, one of the main problems, according to associations and NGOsinterviewed, regarding this delicate phase, seems to be the relationship with moneydeveloped by the girls during the years of prostitution. The habit of seeing a lot ofmoney circulate and to think that “easy earnings” are possible is often a seriousobstacle to accepting “normal” work and the integration into a new workingsituation. This problem, which exists for the victims of exploitation of everynationality, seems to be particularly accentuated in the case of Nigerian girls, whoperhaps pay more than the others the costs of the cultural shock.One of the victims interviewed also notes a diffused concept of life “by theday” in which the principal value is that of money rather than life itself: “Now Iwork, they give me 300 Euros, what can you buy with 300 Euros? T<strong>here</strong> are manyfor whom it is not enough, on the street they make a lot. It is not easy like this.Those who think of life…Many Nigerians don’t think ahead, they think of today,making themselves beautiful, eating, they don’t think about the life. Many want tostay on the street and die on the street but have money. It is like that” (InterviewVictim No.12).On the other hand some operators have underlined that, considering the smallearnings of the young Nigerian women compared to other nationalities, potentiallyit should be easier to find work which guarantees them earnings in relation to thatwhich they made for themselves out of prostitution: “Earning those sums that Itold you, 1.5-2 million, it is not impossible to find a work because they tell you if Ifind a work which permits me to earn what I earn on the street alright...if anAlbanian told me so I would say «dream it», if a Nigerian says so, t<strong>here</strong> should bea possibility…” (Cooperativa Dedalus - Naples).However t<strong>here</strong> is no lack of difficulties related to discriminatory attitudes onthe part of Italian employers towards Nigerian girls. The idea which emerges is thatthe exclusion operated towards them has in the first place racist roots (they areexcluded as blacks) and only at a secondary level does the prejudice relate to thenationality.
Multiple however are the factors which affect the possibility, for the Nigerianwomen, to find and maintain work: the economic environment of the area in whichthey live, the politics of entering the labour market put in place by theorganisations that manage the social protection programmes 77 , their capacity toadapt which seems, in many cases, high, but with some rigidity - as for example t<strong>here</strong>spect for time - makes the efforts undertaken nil 78 .The finding of a satisfying job from an economic point of view is judged by allthe victims interviewed as the major factor for someone who wishes to abandonprostitution completely.“If you don’t find work you go on for two or three months, and you start tothink that you have already done it...I will go again! An intelligent person says: Iwill not do it, even if I die of hunger, but you are weak…you say, only some times,only until I need money If t<strong>here</strong> is work however you say: I want to do somethingserious” (Interview Victim No. 10).6.2 Taken in charge by organisationsThe most secure and consolidated path for leaving the circuit of exploitation ofprostitution - known in Italy these last few years - is that of taking in charge of thevictim by organisations known to operate within the project ex art. 18 d.lgs.286/1998: associations, religious organisations, NGOs, public institutions. This isthe “master way” towards the end of exploitation and the search for a new life forthe victims.Experience of this type (started with pilot projects in 1999 and then diffused inall Italy) tells a story of some years that, even if between light and shade, paints adecidedly positive picture.This is not the place for a balance of the projects Art.18, which has been doneelsew<strong>here</strong> 79 . We will limit ourselves to remember <strong>here</strong>, briefly, some elementswhich show a minor or major success of paths for the protection of victims of thetraffic and exploitation:the existence of a “virtuous co-operation” between the Questure (local StatePolice Offices), Prosecutors and organisations;the diverse availability of Questure to accept the social paths, without aformal complaint;77On this point see the timely reflections of Prina (2002 a, pages 513-515) and the case studies illustratedin AA.VV. (2002); Associazione On the Road (2002, pages 111-293).78For an interesting exam of the policies for insertion in work, see Candia et alii (2001). On exit pathsand insertion in work one can refer to Associazione On the Road (2002).79See, AA.VV (2002); Associazione On the Road (2002).
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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The journey overland through Africa
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new dispositions and contacts to co
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Then he sends her in a taxi to the
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T. remains in this house for 21 day
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detainees go towards the refectory,
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At this point the organisation esco
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