work arrangements (…) persons that have obtained permission to stay as anemployee of such a company and then upon checking it is seen that they workedone month, then no one has since seen them (assuming that they had seen them inthe first place). T<strong>here</strong> is t<strong>here</strong>fore an attempt to force the hand for regularisation”(Public Prosecutor - Turin).It should be noted that the madams, like the majority of those who surroundher, are normally in order concerning the rules regarding the stay on Italianterritory. Either they entered Italy several years ago and put their papers in orderduring a pardon, or they were falsely employed by a fake Italian employer, whoundertook to present all the documentation to call them to work in Italy fromNigeria, or they are formally united in marriage with an Italian citizen.It is interesting to emphasize that, together with the great ease to obtain falsedocuments, the possibility to easily profit from the occasions of regularisationplace them under the shelter of any risk of expulsion.Beside the Italians, the Nigerian organisation has also used Nigerian, Ghanaianor other African citizens for these services and, in the area of Triveneto, evenAmerican citizens working in the US military bases present t<strong>here</strong>, demonstratingthe ability for relationships of these individuals and criminal groups.And lastly t<strong>here</strong> are also connections with “marginal” groups of Italianindividuals or foreign irregulars (normally from sub-Saharan Africa), available forjobs of low profile and with relatively low risk (such as drivers or to accompanywomen to the place of work).No link, however, seems to exist between the Nigerian and Albanian criminalsdedicated to the exploitation of prostitution. It appears that a division of the markethas been made, thanks to a tacit agreement and to mechanisms of self-regulation,favoured by the fact that the Nigerian prostitution and that managed by theAlbanian clans answer two different demands. When some conflict is created, thetendency of the Nigerian criminals is to retreat, without creating any noise, awareof the fact that “problems between ethnic groups’ means the police, Carabinieri,repression and the work does not proceed ” (Questura of Venice).Recently however, according to some people - at least in the area of Naples,Caserta and Castelvolturno - t<strong>here</strong> is, besides the rise in the level of violenceagainst the women, also a change in the relations with the other groups involved inthe sexual exploitation of women: “These men who are underground, who youdon’t see, then at the right moment appear …from a series of talks in the street itseems that when t<strong>here</strong> was an attempt by the Albanians to send the Nigerians awayfrom the street, the next night t<strong>here</strong> were two cars full of Nigerian males, heavyand well built, also possessing suitable instruments that immediately changed theideas of the Albanians…” (Cooperativa Dedalus - Naples).It is still too early to say if t<strong>here</strong> is a change in the way of managing the trafficon the part of the Nigerians or whether it is simply a local situation which made itnecessary to act in that way.
5.4 The use of the proceeds of exploitation ofprostitution: legal and illegal activitiesOne of the more delicate questions facing the illegal traffic w<strong>here</strong> aconsiderable amount of money is earned, concerns the way in which the proceedsare used. The traffic for sexual exploitation from Nigeria produces considerableavailability of money if it is considered that the money earned from the payment ofboard, lodging and rent of the so-called joint, together with the “work”(notwithstanding the fact that Nigerian women inside the prostitution market aretoday at the lowest grade of the available offer) amounts, for each exploitedwoman, to a considerable monthly sum, of at least 2,000 Euros 63 .How is this money used? Is it re-invested in the same illegal activity, in otherillegal activities or “cleaned” thanks to its use in legal activities?Re-investment in prostitution: the contribution or osusu 64The first classic way of utilising the earnings from an illegal activity is to reinvestthe money in the same illegal activity: certainly in the case of exploitation ofprostitution of women of Nigerian origin, this happens regularly.During many local searches, undertaken during investigations, hardly ever havelarge sums of money been found, even if numerous documents and declarationsattest that these earnings, even huge, have been made.Telephone intercepts have clarified the first way of concealing money and reinvestment:the contribution or osusu.It is a type of common petty cash, the result of an agreement with a group ofmadams, which consists in periodic deposits of a sum of money on the part of each,on an agreed specific date, and the possibility to use the total amount of the moneyinvested given in turn to one. This continues until all the members have eachbenefited from the money accumulated.In this way each of them participating in osusu, may have a large sum. Themadam when it is her turn, can then pay debts or acquire new girls to exploit inprostitution more quickly than she could if she had to “save” on her own the moneynecessary for self-financing the “business”. At the same time, in this way themoney “vanishes” more rapidly, diminishing the risk that it is intercepted by thepolice or is stolen.Sometimes the madams have some difficulty to respect the date of availabilityforeseen for the contribution: “A. calls B. to say that she has sent to the Ghanaian63For food, lodging and rent of the joint an amount of 500 Euros at least is requested (that can becomevery much higher if the joint is particularly expensive); to that must be added the profits from theprostitution activity, which assumes not very high earnings of 50 Euros per day, which makes around1,500 Euros per month.64The terminology “contribution” is used in criminal proceedings of the Public Prosecutor of Turin, theterm “osusu” is that of Naples because that is how it is called by the madams in the telephone intercepts.
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TRAFFICKINGOF NIGERIAN GIRLSTO ITAL
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F O R E W O R D1. Objectives and st
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and who have identified the most si
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on the other hand, for those involv
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Case files analysed: Preventive det
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Table 2 - Socio-economic situation
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Table 3 - Nigerian citizens regular
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Table 5 - Social protection permiss
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Table 7 - Number of persons charged
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Table 8 - Detainee population sub-d
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and the United States enables this
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C H A P T E R IW a y s a n d p h a
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Figure No.2 - Edo State.It is not c
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Nigeria. From 1996 in Benin City an
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In this variegated framework, the d
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“Benin City is one of those State
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Various privileged witnesses of the
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In the first years of the traffic o
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pay considerable sums for lodging,
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The routesWe find at least three ty
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Figure No.5 - Trafficking routes th
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Melossi, D., (2002), “Le teorie s