From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
2 POWER AND POLITICS I OWN, THEREFORE I AMadvancing funds to small farmers to buy the land. The alternatives,either compulsory purchase or seizing land without compensation,arouse ferocious opposition from landowners and their allies, and cangreatly increase opposition to reform.Market-led approaches have been widely criticised for ignoringissues of social justice: the beneficiaries are often not ‘the poorest ofthe poor’, they enter their new lands saddled with debt, and theapproach often recognises only individual titles, ignoring other, oftenmore widespread, customary land tenure systems. In practice, governmentsoften square the circle by handing out publicly owned land atlow or no cost.WOMEN’S PROPERTY RIGHTSIn wealthy countries, property rights were one of the first goals foughtfor by first-wave feminists in the nineteenth century, and today theyremain central to many organisations of poor women across theworld. 95 In many countries, a combination of attitudes and beliefs andlegal discrimination in both ‘modern’ and ‘customary’ law excludeswomen from owning land. Women rarely possess full rights over land,instead being forced to negotiate as secondary claimants through malerelatives – fathers, brothers, husbands, or sons.Women usually cannotinherit the matrimonial home on the death of their husband.Formalisation of customary law often means that a piece of land withmultiple users becomes the property of a single owner, usually male.For example, the Kenyan Court of Appeal ruled in 1988 that a wife’sinterests under customary law cease to exist once her husbandbecomes the formally registered owner. 96 The unpalatable option formany women is often between being a second-class citizen undercustomary law or being completely invisible under formal systems.The impact of the denial of property rights affects all women.Making a living depends on having a place to live, and – depending onwhat you do to survive – on having some land to farm, a room to runa business from, money to pay for materials and equipment, andsomeone to look after the children. Yet without legal rights to ownproperty, regardless of marital status, most women living in poverty indeveloping countries depend on their relationships with men to deliver77
FROM POVERTY TO POWERthese things. Hence their livelihoods are precarious. If the relationshipsours, or if the man falls ill and dies, how are they and their children tosurvive?The worst affected are women in charge of households, whosenumbers are rising through a combination of widowhood (due toconflict or HIV and AIDS) and family breakdown. The plight of theburgeoning number of widows is illustrated by the case of Mrs Chilala,a 78-year-old Zambian widow. Upon the death of her husband in1990, her brother-in-law began to bury dead bodies on her land toscare her away from the area, so that he could seize her land. 97Conflicts over land are likely to intensify in coming decades. In thecities, booming populations will force the poorest and most marginalisedinto ever more unsafe and precarious places, exacerbating thegulf between the ‘have homes’ and the homeless. In the countryside,climate change and environmental degradation are likely to reducethe amount of fertile land available, while the advent of biofuels andother new crops will increase land prices and squeeze poor people offtheir farms. Ever more assertive movements of peasants, landlessworkers, and indigenous peoples are unlikely to back down from theirdemands. How states and citizens’ movements deal with the pressurecooker of land conflict will play an important role in the futuredevelopment of many of the world’s poorest countries.78
- Page 44 and 45: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I HAVE RIGHTS,
- Page 46 and 47: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I HAVE RIGHTS,
- Page 48 and 49: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I HAVE RIGHTS,
- Page 50 and 51: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I HAVE RIGHTS,
- Page 52 and 53: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I BELIEVE, THE
- Page 54 and 55: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I BELIEVE, THE
- Page 56 and 57: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I BELIEVE, THE
- Page 58 and 59: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 60 and 61: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 62 and 63: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 64 and 65: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 66 and 67: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 68 and 69: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I READ, THEREF
- Page 70 and 71: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I SURF, THEREF
- Page 72 and 73: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I SURF, THEREF
- Page 74 and 75: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I SURF, THEREF
- Page 76 and 77: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 78 and 79: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 80 and 81: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 82 and 83: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 84 and 85: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 86 and 87: 2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, T
- Page 88 and 89: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I OWN, THEREFO
- Page 90 and 91: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I OWN, THEREFO
- Page 92 and 93: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I OWN, THEREFO
- Page 96 and 97: I VOTE, THEREFORE I AMWhether in Fl
- Page 98 and 99: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I VOTE, THEREF
- Page 100 and 101: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I VOTE, THEREF
- Page 102 and 103: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I VOTE, THEREF
- Page 104 and 105: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I STEAL, THERE
- Page 106 and 107: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I STEAL, THERE
- Page 108 and 109: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 110 and 111: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 112 and 113: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 114 and 115: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 116 and 117: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 118 and 119: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 120 and 121: 2 POWER AND POLITICS I RULE, THEREF
- Page 122 and 123: 2 POWER AND POLITICS FROM POVERTY T
- Page 124 and 125: PART THREEAn economics for the twen
- Page 126 and 127: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH A TWENTY-FIRST
- Page 128 and 129: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH A TWENTY-FIRST
- Page 130 and 131: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH A TWENTY-FIRST
- Page 132 and 133: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH A TWENTY-FIRST
- Page 134 and 135: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH A TWENTY-FIRST
- Page 136 and 137: LIVING OFF THE LANDThe smoky, cold
- Page 138 and 139: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH LIVING OFF THE
- Page 140 and 141: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH LIVING OFF THE
- Page 142 and 143: 3 POVERTY AND WEALTH LIVING OFF THE
2 POWER AND POLITICS I OWN, THEREFORE I AMadvancing funds <strong>to</strong> small farmers <strong>to</strong> buy the land. The alternatives,either compulsory purchase or seizing land without compensation,arouse ferocious opposition from landowners and their allies, and cangreatly increase opposition <strong>to</strong> reform.Market-led approaches have been widely criticised for ignoringissues of social justice: the beneficiaries are often not ‘the poorest ofthe poor’, they enter their new lands saddled with debt, and theapproach often recognises only individual titles, ignoring other, oftenmore widespread, cus<strong>to</strong>mary land tenure systems. In practice, governmentsoften square the circle by handing out publicly owned land atlow or no cost.WOMEN’S PROPERTY RIGHTSIn wealthy countries, property rights were one of the first goals foughtfor by first-wave feminists in the nineteenth century, and <strong>to</strong>day theyremain central <strong>to</strong> many organisations of poor women across theworld. 95 In many countries, a combination of attitudes and beliefs andlegal discrimination in both ‘modern’ and ‘cus<strong>to</strong>mary’ law excludeswomen from owning land. Women rarely possess full rights over land,instead being forced <strong>to</strong> negotiate as secondary claimants through malerelatives – fathers, brothers, husbands, or sons.Women usually cannotinherit the matrimonial home on the death of their husband.Formalisation of cus<strong>to</strong>mary law often means that a piece of land withmultiple users becomes the property of a single owner, usually male.For example, the Kenyan Court of Appeal ruled in 1988 that a wife’sinterests under cus<strong>to</strong>mary law cease <strong>to</strong> exist once her husbandbecomes the formally registered owner. 96 The unpalatable option formany women is often between being a second-class citizen undercus<strong>to</strong>mary law or being completely invisible under formal systems.The impact of the denial of property rights affects all women.Making a living depends on having a place <strong>to</strong> live, and – depending onwhat you do <strong>to</strong> survive – on having some land <strong>to</strong> farm, a room <strong>to</strong> runa business from, money <strong>to</strong> pay for materials and equipment, andsomeone <strong>to</strong> look after the children. Yet without legal rights <strong>to</strong> ownproperty, regardless of marital status, most women living in <strong>poverty</strong> indeveloping countries depend on their relationships with men <strong>to</strong> deliver77