From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, THEREFORE WE AREpolitical places, dense with social movements demanding housing,schools, clinics, or decent water and sanitation. Protest and conflictabound, between workers and employers or service providers and users.ALLIANCES AND PARTICIPATIONIn practice, civil society is a complex political and social ecosystem,including grassroots social movements, established organisationssuch as churches and trade unions, and NGOs made up of more middleclassactivists. Alliances between such dissimilar organisations areboth fruitful and fraught, with ‘turf wars’ and frequent accusations ofco-option or of NGOs ‘speaking on behalf of’ (and claiming fundsfor) groups they do not represent.One regular source of tension is over whether to pursue the tacticsof ‘outsider’ confrontation, for example mass street protests, or lessvisible ‘insider’ engagement, such as lobbying. An outsider strategybased on mass mobilisation often needs stark, unchanging messages,but these can alienate officials and political leaders, and limit theinsiders’ access to decision-makers. Conversely, an insider strategymuddies the waters with compromises, undermining mobilisationand raising fears of betrayal and co-option.Yet both are necessary anda joint ‘insider–outsider’ strategy can be highly effective.CSOs are not immune from the wider inequalities in society. Menoften dominate, as do powerful groups based on ethnicity or caste.CSOs of hitherto marginalised groups have often emerged as splintersfrom CSOs serving the general population, when women, or indigenousor HIV-positive people, found that their specific concerns continuallyevaporated from the agendas of mixed organisations.Active participation has intrinsic merits, creating strong bonds ofbelonging and common purpose. As one woman told researchers inPakistan, ‘Before the organisation was formed, we knew nothing andwere completely ignorant. The organisation has instilled a new soul inus.’ 76 Participation can build a sense of self-confidence and involvement,enabling excluded groups and individuals to challenge theirconfinement to the margins of society.However, participation is not without costs. CSO activism can involveexhausting rounds of meetings, voluntary toil, and confrontations63
FROM POVERTY TO POWERwith impervious or insulting authorities. People keep going out ofcommitment and belief, be it political, religious, or simply a sense ofduty. In Latin America, women activists talk of the exhaustion of their‘triple day’ of paid work, running a home, and then spending anyremaining time engaged in community work.Moreover, participation in civil society organisation brings risksof repression or worse. Across the developing world, activists whochallenge existing power structures face attacks by police, hired thugs,and paramilitaries – or from irate husbands and fathers. In manycountries, women activists can face a violent backlash at home, as theiractivism leads them to challenge traditional inequalities, or simplymeans they cannot have dinner on the table at the expected hour.Beyond the personal benefits (and costs) of participation, a strongcivil society obliges political parties to compete for the public’s support,and to offer social progress, rather than co-option. In Ghana, politicalleadership, independent media, and a strong network of civil societyorganisations have helped build up a politics of interest groups,including urban youth, cocoa farmers, native authority elites, professionaland business elites, and unionised workers. The shift to amore stable state was demonstrated when the incumbent party lostthe 2000 presidential election and an orderly transition ensued. Theruling party retained power in 2004, but elections were seriously contested.Steady improvements in literacy, access to information, andlevels of social organisation may help other countries to follow suit.Civil society can play a crucial role in ‘keeping the demos in democracy’.77 Even the cleanest and most transparent electoral systems canbe undermined by undemocratic institutions – corporate lobbyists,clientilist political networks, and the like. For these practices, sunlightis the best antiseptic, in the form of civil society scrutiny and activism.In recent years, civil society organisations have tried to ensure thatgovernment spending tackles inequality and poverty. Such ‘budgetmonitoring’work involves painstaking analysis of both what is promisedand what is delivered, and advocacy to influence the way that budgetsare allocated. In Israel, the Adva Centre, an NGO founded by activistsfrom different social movements working on equal rights for MizrahiJews, women, and Arab citizens, uses a combination of analysis,parliamentary lobbying, popular education, and media campaigns.64
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2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, THEREFORE WE AREpolitical places, dense with social movements demanding housing,schools, clinics, or decent water and sanitation. Protest and conflictabound, between workers and employers or service providers and users.ALLIANCES AND PARTICIPATIONIn practice, civil society is a complex political and social ecosystem,including grassroots social movements, established organisationssuch as churches and trade unions, and NGOs made up of more middleclassactivists. Alliances between such dissimilar organisations areboth fruitful and fraught, with ‘turf wars’ and frequent accusations ofco-option or of NGOs ‘speaking on behalf of’ (and claiming fundsfor) groups they do not represent.One regular source of tension is over whether <strong>to</strong> pursue the tacticsof ‘outsider’ confrontation, for example mass street protests, or lessvisible ‘insider’ engagement, such as lobbying. An outsider strategybased on mass mobilisation often needs stark, unchanging messages,but these can alienate officials and political leaders, and limit theinsiders’ access <strong>to</strong> decision-makers. Conversely, an insider strategymuddies the waters with compromises, undermining mobilisationand raising fears of betrayal and co-option.Yet both are necessary anda joint ‘insider–outsider’ strategy can be highly effective.CSOs are not immune from the wider inequalities in society. Menoften dominate, as do <strong>power</strong>ful groups based on ethnicity or caste.CSOs of hither<strong>to</strong> marginalised groups have often emerged as splintersfrom CSOs serving the general population, when women, or indigenousor HIV-positive people, found that their specific concerns continuallyevaporated from the agendas of mixed organisations.Active participation has intrinsic merits, creating strong bonds ofbelonging and common purpose. As one woman <strong>to</strong>ld researchers inPakistan, ‘Before the organisation was formed, we knew nothing andwere completely ignorant. The organisation has instilled a new soul inus.’ 76 Participation can build a sense of self-confidence and involvement,enabling excluded groups and individuals <strong>to</strong> challenge theirconfinement <strong>to</strong> the margins of society.However, participation is not without costs. CSO activism can involveexhausting rounds of meetings, voluntary <strong>to</strong>il, and confrontations63