From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, THEREFORE WE ARECompared with the steady hum of the state’s machinery, civilsociety activity waxes and wanes, coming into its own in moments ofprotest and crisis, and often falling away after a victory – such as winninga change in the law, or the election of a more progressive governmentthat promptly recruits key civil society leaders. In such circumstances,many CSOs find it difficult to move from a strategy of opposition toone of engagement. Other CSOs, notably those sponsored by religiousinstitutions, are much more stable, outlasting all but a handful ofgovernments, but even they experience cycles of activism and silence.Less dramatic than mass protest, but equally important, civil societycan demonstrate broad public support for policy changes, thus makingit easier for political leaders to act and resist pressure from those whowould rather maintain the status quo. In the late 1990s, for example,the Maria Elena Cuadra Women’s Movement in Nicaragua collected50,000 signatures calling for better working conditions in the country’sexport-processing zones, prompting the minister of labour to enforcethe law and convincing factory owners to adopt a voluntary codeof conduct.Civil society also plays an important, if less visible, role in moreclosed political systems, such as one-party states. A study in Viet Namrevealed a virtuous circle of state and NGO investment in training andeducation, improved communications (for example, an upgradedroad, funded by the World Bank, which allowed easier contactbetween villages and the district authorities), and pressure from thecentral government for local authorities to encourage popular participationin poverty reduction efforts.As a result, both villagers and localauthorities gained confidence and began to exchange opinions andideas more openly. Women in particular became much more vocalafter receiving training in agricultural methods and making more regulartrips away from the village. 75Much of the long-term impact of CSOs is based on the slow buildingof people’s skills and capabilities, fostering changes in attitudesand beliefs. In Serbia, for example, a network of groups is seeking tostrengthen the negotiating and lobbying skills of the Roma population,the poorest community in Europe, in part by ensuring thatmore women and young people join and assume leadership positions.61
FROM POVERTY TO POWERThe bedrock of civil society is formed of local groups concernedprimarily with the welfare of their fellow citizens, like the GeneralAssistance and Volunteer Organization (GAVO). This organisationwas founded in 1992 by a dozen young men from different sub-clansin Berbera, their hometown in the arid region of the Horn of Africaknown as Somaliland. Their childhoods had been shattered by civilwar, and they hoped that through volunteer action they might beginto address some of the town’s pressing social problems.Acting on the advice of their Koranic teacher to help the mostdestitute of their fellow citizens, they started with patients at the localpsychiatric hospital suffering from war trauma: trimming their hairand nails, taking them out to a cool plateau on Fridays, washing theirclothes. Shunned by many who associated mental illness with sorcery,the hospital received no government or private funding. GAVO’svolunteers used popular theatre to educate the community, andreached beyond the boundaries of family and clan to raise money,breaking social taboos in the process.Within four years, GAVO had managed to set up an out-patientclinic, help demystify mental illness, and garner steady donationsfrom local merchants and municipal authorities. Then, aware of theirown limited scope, they began to lobby for changes in governmentpolicy regarding children’s rights.Paradoxically, organisations like GAVO are often viewed by fundersas being of little significance to development. They are local, usually‘traditional’ rather than ‘progressive’, and distant from grand challengeson the national level. Yet such groups provide opportunities forcommunities and ordinary citizens to discuss and act on some of thedifficulties they face. Though small-scale, they can be instrumental inthe development of a democratic culture and of skills needed foraddressing national challenges. GAVO travelled on just such a trajectory– from charity to service provision to public outreach to outrightadvocacy.Civil society is often at its most active in the burgeoning shantytowns and suburbs of cities. With better access to schooling, andwith exchanges of opinions and information on every street corner,urbanites are more likely to get involved in CSOs. Cities are vividly62
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2 POWER AND POLITICS WE ORGANISE, THEREFORE WE ARECompared with the steady hum of the state’s machinery, civilsociety activity waxes and wanes, coming in<strong>to</strong> its own in moments ofprotest and crisis, and often falling away after a vic<strong>to</strong>ry – such as winninga change in the law, or the election of a more progressive governmentthat promptly recruits key civil society leaders. In such circumstances,many CSOs find it difficult <strong>to</strong> move from a strategy of opposition <strong>to</strong>one of engagement. Other CSOs, notably those sponsored by religiousinstitutions, are much more stable, outlasting all but a handful ofgovernments, but even they experience cycles of activism and silence.Less dramatic than mass protest, but equally important, civil societycan demonstrate broad public support for policy changes, thus makingit easier for political leaders <strong>to</strong> act and resist pressure from those whowould rather maintain the status quo. In the late 1990s, for example,the Maria Elena Cuadra Women’s Movement in Nicaragua collected50,000 signatures calling for better working conditions in the country’sexport-processing zones, prompting the minister of labour <strong>to</strong> enforcethe law and convincing fac<strong>to</strong>ry owners <strong>to</strong> adopt a voluntary codeof conduct.Civil society also plays an important, if less visible, role in moreclosed political systems, such as one-party states. A study in Viet Namrevealed a virtuous circle of state and NGO investment in training andeducation, improved communications (for example, an upgradedroad, funded by the World Bank, which allowed easier contactbetween villages and the district authorities), and pressure from thecentral government for local authorities <strong>to</strong> encourage popular participationin <strong>poverty</strong> reduction efforts.As a result, both villagers and localauthorities gained confidence and began <strong>to</strong> exchange opinions andideas more openly. Women in particular became much more vocalafter receiving training in agricultural methods and making more regulartrips away from the village. 75Much of the long-term impact of CSOs is based on the slow buildingof people’s skills and capabilities, fostering changes in attitudesand beliefs. In Serbia, for example, a network of groups is seeking <strong>to</strong>strengthen the negotiating and lobbying skills of the Roma population,the poorest community in Europe, in part by ensuring thatmore women and young people join and assume leadership positions.61