From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
5 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AIDplanning. The same process, however, has also skewed budgets towardspending on technical assistance. The high-priced consultants whopropose, monitor, and evaluate aid programmes now pocket 20 centsof every aid dollar. 144 A study of technical assistance in Mozambiquefound that rich countries were spending $350m per year on 3,500technical experts, while the entire wage bill for Mozambique’s 100,000public sector workers was just $74m. 145 While technical assistancemay be helpful, for example in enabling governments to learn fromthe experiences of others, donors ought to place developing countriesin control of technical assistance funds, so that they can decidewhether to hire local or other consultants to undertake work that fitstheir own needs and priorities.Even when well-intentioned, the long shopping lists of ‘conditions’attached by donors undermines the essential task of building institutionsand policies rooted in local economic and social structures – the pathfollowed by all of today’s successful economies. Of course, taxpayers inrich countries – and citizens of poor countries – are entitled to expectaid to be used to promote development and to be clearly accountedfor. However, many donors undermine quality by imposing their ownpreferred economic policy reforms. ‘Conditionality’ often obligespoor countries to implement policies based on dogma and ideology,rather than on evidence – for example, privatisation and liberalisationwhich, as discussed in Part 3, have a poor track record in triggeringgrowth or reducing poverty.Donor hubris can also erode state institutions. One insideraccount of Ghana’s attempt to adopt new policies after the 2000election of an energetic new president highlights the corrosive impacton institutions of aid dependence. Aid donor staff were ideologicallyhostile to the president’s proposals to promote industry, and distrustedthe abilities of government staff to design such a programme. Theyinsisted that the government use ‘technical assistance’ to design itsflagship industrial policy and, desperate for resources, the governmentagreed. Soon the Ministry for Private Sector Development hadmore foreign consultants than civil servants. With policy backgroundsrooted in the international aid industry, the consultantsthemselves were sceptical of many of the government’s ideas. Insteadof aid backing a genuine effort to build an effective state, it bogged the365
FROM POVERTY TO POWERgovernment down in a debilitating wrangle with donors, sucking theenergy out of its development plans. 146One innovative approach undertaken by donor and recipientgovernments to address the poor quality of much aid is the Educationfor All (EFA) initiative, which since 2000 has helped well over 20 millionchildren who would never have received an education to enrol inschool. Under the EFA compact, poor-country governments promisedto draw up realistic long-term education sector plans and toincrease their own investment in primary education. Donors in turnpromised to work together so that, as the World Bank’s DevelopmentCommittee put it,‘No countries seriously committed to education forall will be thwarted in their achievement of this goal by a lack ofresources.’ Not only have some 30 developing countries had theirplans endorsed and funded but, egged on by citizen campaigns, governmentsin 70 countries are spending more on education as a proportionof total government expenditure. 147Traditional donors grouped in the OECD’s DevelopmentAdvisory Committee (DAC) have also acknowledged the need toimprove quality. The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness of 2005laid out a set of principles to be implemented by both donors andrecipients over the following five years. 148 Developing countriesagreed to give priority to the fight against poverty, promising toproduce national poverty plans with the participation of their citizensand national legislatures. They also agreed to create more transparentand accountable management systems for public finances, in order toensure that resources go where they are intended.Rich countries in turn agreed not only to provide more aid, butalso to align their aid around developing-country priorities andsystems, in recognition of the fact that recipient-country ownershipover the development process is an essential prerequisite for successfuldevelopment. They also agreed to cut the high administrative burdenby working in a more co-ordinated fashion, for example by organisingjoint visits and reporting.While the Paris principles are generally positive, they addressefficiency more than effectiveness, and civil society organisations havepointed out that the principles appear to be divorced from values suchas justice, human rights, gender equality, democracy, or even the366
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5 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AIDplanning. The same process, however, has also skewed budgets <strong>to</strong>wardspending on technical assistance. The high-priced consultants whopropose, moni<strong>to</strong>r, and evaluate aid programmes now pocket 20 centsof every aid dollar. 144 A study of technical assistance in Mozambiquefound that rich countries were spending $350m per year on 3,500technical experts, while the entire wage bill for Mozambique’s 100,000public sec<strong>to</strong>r workers was just $74m. 145 While technical assistancemay be helpful, for example in enabling governments <strong>to</strong> learn fromthe experiences of others, donors ought <strong>to</strong> place developing countriesin control of technical assistance funds, so that they can decidewhether <strong>to</strong> hire local or other consultants <strong>to</strong> undertake work that fitstheir own needs and priorities.Even when well-intentioned, the long shopping lists of ‘conditions’attached by donors undermines the essential task of building institutionsand policies rooted in local economic and social structures – the pathfollowed by all of <strong>to</strong>day’s successful economies. Of course, taxpayers inrich countries – and citizens of poor countries – are entitled <strong>to</strong> expectaid <strong>to</strong> be used <strong>to</strong> promote development and <strong>to</strong> be clearly accountedfor. However, many donors undermine quality by imposing their ownpreferred economic policy reforms. ‘Conditionality’ often obligespoor countries <strong>to</strong> implement policies based on dogma and ideology,rather than on evidence – for example, privatisation and liberalisationwhich, as discussed in Part 3, have a poor track record in triggeringgrowth or reducing <strong>poverty</strong>.Donor hubris can also erode state institutions. One insideraccount of Ghana’s attempt <strong>to</strong> adopt new policies after the 2000election of an energetic new president highlights the corrosive impac<strong>to</strong>n institutions of aid dependence. Aid donor staff were ideologicallyhostile <strong>to</strong> the president’s proposals <strong>to</strong> promote industry, and distrustedthe abilities of government staff <strong>to</strong> design such a programme. Theyinsisted that the government use ‘technical assistance’ <strong>to</strong> design itsflagship industrial policy and, desperate for resources, the governmentagreed. Soon the Ministry for Private Sec<strong>to</strong>r Development hadmore foreign consultants than civil servants. With policy backgroundsrooted in the international aid industry, the consultantsthemselves were sceptical of many of the government’s ideas. Insteadof aid backing a genuine effort <strong>to</strong> build an effective state, it bogged the365