From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
5 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AIDTHE QUALITY OF AIDGood aid can transform lives; bad aid undermines development. Aiddonors have always been motivated by a mixture of altruism, hubris,and self-interest. Sadly, when it comes to determining the prioritiesand methods of aid spending, dedicated and knowledgeable aidpractitioners are too often overruled by the dictates of domesticpolitics or geopolitical calculations. An analysis of President Bush’sbudget request for fiscal year 2008 showed that the largest recipients ofUS aid were Israel and Egypt (which between them absorb one out ofevery four US aid dollars), and concluded ‘the lion’s share of US foreignaid still goes to ten countries, the majority of which are geo-politicalallies in the “global war on terror” or the war on drugs’. 135 A highproportion of aid is tied to purchases of goods or services in the donorcountry, with aid programmes designed according to commercialself-interest rather than need. Aid can also fall prey to the shortattention span of politicians and their publics, who prefer projectsthat can show ‘results’ in a year or two to those that make a long-termcontribution.Aid allocation is often distorted by geopolitical interest. A recentstudy showed that when a developing country becomes a non-permanentmember of the UN Security Council, its aid from the USA increaseson average by 60 per cent. 136 In Europe’s case, cultural ties (for examplea shared language) and post-colonial guilt are also factors, with adisproportionate amount of aid going to former colonies. Otherproblems include Byzantine procedures, the policy changes thatdonors demand as conditions for giving aid, waste caused by tied aidand an over-reliance on technical assistance, and overlapping and unco-ordinatedapproaches that undermine state structures. Thesereduce the effectiveness of aid and can handicap the effort to buildactive citizenship and effective states.The delivery of aid is extraordinarily complex and cumbersome.Developing countries with limited numbers of trained officials mustgrapple with a proliferation of international ‘financing mechanisms’,including 90 global health funds set up to address specific diseases orproblems. Uganda has over 40 donors delivering aid in-country.Government of Uganda figures show that it had to deal with 684different aid instruments and associated agreements between 2003/04363
FROM POVERTY TO POWERand 2006/07, for aid coming into the central budget alone. Theisland of St. Vincent (population 117,000) was asked to monitor 191different indicators on HIV and AIDS. 137In 2006 some Malian civil servants spent over 100 days managingdonor missions (a telling expression) from just two of the country’sdonors, the World Bank and the IMF – that is one in every threeworking days. A senior official from the Ministry of Finance in Malinoted,‘They usually come three to four times a year and stay for morethan one week, visiting up to ten ministries at a time when here.Our hands are completely tied.’ 138 A survey of 14 countries by theOECD and the World Bank showed an average of 200 donor missionsper year, three-quarters of these by a handful of donors (the ‘chronictravellers’). Cambodia and Viet Nam each received 400 missions,Nicaragua 289, Bolivia 270, and Bangladesh 250. 139Most aid is still given on a short-term basis (one to three years) 140and its volume tends to fluctuate,undermining the ability of developingcountryofficials to undertake long-term planning and investment. Arecent study by the IMF, for example, revealed that aid flows are morevolatile than fiscal revenues, and the higher the aid dependency of acountry, the more the volume fluctuates. Worryingly, the studyshowed that aid volatility has increased in recent years. 141 Unable tocount on steady revenue, developing-country governments hesitate toinvest in recurrent costs, such as the salaries of public sector workers,which are a crucial step in providing essential services such as healthcare, education, social protection, and water and sanitation.Donors continue to force developing countries to give back a considerablepart of their aid money by making them purchase inappropriateand expensive goods and services from the donor country. TheOECD estimates that such ‘tied aid’ raises costs by between 15 and 30per cent. 142 In 2001, OECD members agreed to untie all their bilateralaid to least developed countries (LDCs), except for food aid and technicalassistance. However, as of 2006, only the UK, Sweden, Ireland,Luxembourg, and the Netherlands were abiding by this agreement,with all other donors falling far short. The USA was the worst culprit,with 70 per cent of its bilateral aid to LDCs remaining tied. 143The professionalisation of the aid field over the past 30 yearshas led to improved levels of monitoring, evaluation, reflection, and364
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FROM POVERTY TO POWERand 2006/07, for aid coming in<strong>to</strong> the central budget alone. Theisland of St. Vincent (population 117,000) was asked <strong>to</strong> moni<strong>to</strong>r 191different indica<strong>to</strong>rs on HIV and AIDS. 137In 2006 some Malian civil servants spent over 100 days managingdonor missions (a telling expression) from just two of the country’sdonors, the World Bank and the IMF – that is one in every threeworking days. A senior official from the Ministry of Finance in Malinoted,‘They usually come three <strong>to</strong> four times a year and stay for morethan one week, visiting up <strong>to</strong> ten ministries at a time when here.Our hands are completely tied.’ 138 A survey of 14 countries by theOECD and the World Bank showed an average of 200 donor missionsper year, three-quarters of these by a handful of donors (the ‘chronictravellers’). Cambodia and Viet Nam each received 400 missions,Nicaragua 289, Bolivia 270, and Bangladesh 250. 139Most aid is still given on a short-term basis (one <strong>to</strong> three years) 140and its volume tends <strong>to</strong> fluctuate,undermining the ability of developingcountryofficials <strong>to</strong> undertake long-term planning and investment. Arecent study by the IMF, for example, revealed that aid flows are morevolatile than fiscal revenues, and the higher the aid dependency of acountry, the more the volume fluctuates. Worryingly, the studyshowed that aid volatility has increased in recent years. 141 Unable <strong>to</strong>count on steady revenue, developing-country governments hesitate <strong>to</strong>invest in recurrent costs, such as the salaries of public sec<strong>to</strong>r workers,which are a crucial step in providing essential services such as healthcare, education, social protection, and water and sanitation.Donors continue <strong>to</strong> force developing countries <strong>to</strong> give back a considerablepart of their aid money by making them purchase inappropriateand expensive goods and services from the donor country. TheOECD estimates that such ‘tied aid’ raises costs by between 15 and 30per cent. 142 In 2001, OECD members agreed <strong>to</strong> untie all their bilateralaid <strong>to</strong> least developed countries (LDCs), except for food aid and technicalassistance. However, as of 2006, only the UK, Sweden, Ireland,Luxembourg, and the Netherlands were abiding by this agreement,with all other donors falling far short. The USA was the worst culprit,with 70 per cent of its bilateral aid <strong>to</strong> LDCs remaining tied. 143The professionalisation of the aid field over the past 30 yearshas led <strong>to</strong> improved levels of moni<strong>to</strong>ring, evaluation, reflection, and364