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From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec

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5 THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM TRADINGBarriers: Trade rules allow rich countries <strong>to</strong> use tariff and non-tariffbarriers <strong>to</strong> keep developing-country exports out of lucrative markets.The average US tariff for all imports is 1.6 per cent, but this rises <strong>to</strong>14–15 per cent for some least developed countries (LDCs) in Asia,such as Bangladesh, Nepal, and Cambodia. As a result, in 2004 the USTreasury collected roughly the same amount in tariff revenue onimports from Bangladesh ($329m) as it did on imports from France($354m), even though France exports 15 times as much <strong>to</strong> the USA.In the same year, US aid <strong>to</strong> Bangladesh was just $74m. 52Subsidies: Agricultural trade rules allow US and EU agriculturalsubsidies <strong>to</strong> drive down world prices and make it impossible for poorproducers <strong>to</strong> compete. The value of subsidies and other support <strong>to</strong>agriculture in OECD countries now runs at $268bn a year, more thandouble the value of global aid. 53 Due <strong>to</strong> massive subsidies and othersupport, the USA is able <strong>to</strong> export its cot<strong>to</strong>n and wheat at 35 per centand 47 per cent respectively of their cost of production. The EUexports sugar and beef at 44 per cent and 47 per cent respectively oftheir internal cost of production. 54Forced liberalisation: Trade rules oblige some poor countries <strong>to</strong>reduce tariffs, removing a key source of government revenue, turningartificially depressed world market prices in<strong>to</strong> local prices, andundermining both farmers’ livelihoods and longer-term efforts <strong>to</strong>industrialise the economy. The World Trade Organization, along withmany bilateral and regional trade agreements, seeks <strong>to</strong> elevate principlesof deregulation, liberalisation, and equal treatment between foreignand domestic companies <strong>to</strong> a status akin <strong>to</strong> that of human rights, eventhough they run counter <strong>to</strong> the his<strong>to</strong>rical experience of successfulcountries. Such agreements tend <strong>to</strong> erode the ‘policy space’ needed <strong>to</strong>upgrade the economy and <strong>to</strong> build strong national champions inmodern industries. For example, limits on foreign investment in keyindustries, used by (among others) Japan, South Korea, and even theUSA during their take-off periods, now fall foul of the WTO’s ‘nationaltreatment’ principle; the widespread use of ‘local content requirements’<strong>to</strong> oblige companies <strong>to</strong> source from local suppliers violates theWTO’s TRIMS (Trade Related Investment Measures) agreement, aswould Taiwan’s use of export requirements, obliging foreign companies<strong>to</strong> reach a certain level of exports. 55319

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