From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
4 RISK AND VULNERABILITY SOCIAL PROTECTIONfrom a combination of high-level political support and an active civilsociety continually pushing the government to go further.Emerging from the dark days of apartheid, South Africa’s newConstitution promises that ‘everyone has the right to have access tosocial security, including, if they are unable to support themselves andtheir dependants, appropriate social assistance’. 13 Evaluations showthat households that receive social grants are more likely to sendyoung children to school, provide better nutrition for children, andlook for work more intensively, extensively, and successfully than doworkers in comparable households that do not receive social grants. 14As part of its Soviet legacy, Kyrgyzstan has formal systems of socialprotection which, in principle, cover all its citizens. Kyrgyzstan’s socialprotection system now comprises a social insurance fund from whichold age and disability pensions are paid; a health insurance fund,which covers the costs of health treatment for the working populationand for children and older people; and a social assistance system,which provides small amounts of cash assistance on a means-testedbasis to people living below the poverty line. Although far fromperfect, it shows that even a very poor country (in 2005 Kyrgyzstan’sannual per capita GDP was $319) can run a social protection systemthat helps protect the most vulnerable. World Bank analysis suggeststhat, without the system, the extreme poverty headcount would haveincreased by 24 per cent, the poverty gap by 42 per cent, and the severityof poverty by 57 per cent. Furthermore, these levels of social protectiondo not represent an unsustainable drain on public resources: in 2002,they cost 3 per cent of GDP. 15Nor is social protection confined to the state alone.A huge amountof such activity takes place ‘below the radar’ at community level,through family support networks or religious organisations. NGOssuch as India’s Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) organisea range of health, maternity benefit, and other insurance and creditschemes for thousands of women in the informal economy, exemplifyinghow social protection can target gender inequality. 16 InternationalNGOs such as Oxfam are also increasingly introducing elements ofsocial protection into their programmes.The burgeoning interest in social protection springs both from animproving grasp of the nature of poverty and inequality and from past209
FROM POVERTY TO POWERfailure, notably the poor record of the ‘safety nets’ introduced to softenthe impact of structural adjustment programmes and other shocks inthe 1980s and 1990s. These typically reached only a portion of theirtarget groups, and could not be introduced fast enough to deal withunexpected crises such as the Asian financial crash of 1998.At the same time, it became increasingly clear that emergencyrelief such as food aid, designed to deal with short-term shortfalls infood supply, was obscuring the real nature of chronic (i.e. nearpermanent)hunger and vulnerability in many countries. Between1994 and 2003, for example, an average of five million Ethiopians weredeclared ‘at risk’ and in need of emergency assistance every year, andsince 1998 the numbers of food aid beneficiaries in Ethiopia havefluctuated between five and 14 million. Hunger is the norm, not an‘emergency’.The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations(FAO) estimates that chronic hunger lies at the root of 90 per cent offood insecurity worldwide, leaving just 10 per cent attributable toshocks or humanitarian crises. 17 Avoidable deaths associated withmalnutrition in six countries in Southern Africa are estimated atbetween 100,000 and 200,000 every year, compared with the estimated45,000 who died in the drought-induced hunger of 2001–02. 18Chronic malnutrition is a far bigger problem than acute malnutrition,and yet it receives far less attention.A maturing understanding of the nature of poverty, with its growingattention to issues of rights, dignity, and empowerment, and therecognition that inequality and social exclusion are not just damagingin themselves but hold back economic progress, have also played apart in this process. Progressive political leaders in countries such asSouth Africa and Brazil have seen how popular social protectionpolicies can be, addressing directly the need for the state and others toguarantee basic human rights and to include less active groups, suchas elderly or disabled people, who are often sidelined in developmentpolicies that focus solely on economic growth.210
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4 RISK AND VULNERABILITY SOCIAL PROTECTIONfrom a combination of high-level political support and an active civilsociety continually pushing the government <strong>to</strong> go further.Emerging from the dark days of apartheid, South Africa’s newConstitution promises that ‘everyone has the right <strong>to</strong> have access <strong>to</strong>social security, including, if they are unable <strong>to</strong> support themselves andtheir dependants, appropriate social assistance’. 13 Evaluations showthat households that receive social grants are more likely <strong>to</strong> sendyoung children <strong>to</strong> school, provide better nutrition for children, andlook for work more intensively, extensively, and successfully than doworkers in comparable households that do not receive social grants. 14As part of its Soviet legacy, Kyrgyzstan has formal systems of socialprotection which, in principle, cover all its citizens. Kyrgyzstan’s socialprotection system now comprises a social insurance fund from whichold age and disability pensions are paid; a health insurance fund,which covers the costs of health treatment for the working populationand for children and older people; and a social assistance system,which provides small amounts of cash assistance on a means-testedbasis <strong>to</strong> people living below the <strong>poverty</strong> line. Although far fromperfect, it shows that even a very poor country (in 2005 Kyrgyzstan’sannual per capita GDP was $319) can run a social protection systemthat helps protect the most vulnerable. World Bank analysis suggeststhat, without the system, the extreme <strong>poverty</strong> headcount would haveincreased by 24 per cent, the <strong>poverty</strong> gap by 42 per cent, and the severityof <strong>poverty</strong> by 57 per cent. Furthermore, these levels of social protectiondo not represent an unsustainable drain on public resources: in 2002,they cost 3 per cent of GDP. 15Nor is social protection confined <strong>to</strong> the state alone.A huge amoun<strong>to</strong>f such activity takes place ‘below the radar’ at community level,through family support networks or religious organisations. NGOssuch as India’s Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) organisea range of health, maternity benefit, and other insurance and creditschemes for thousands of women in the informal economy, exemplifyinghow social protection can target gender inequality. 16 InternationalNGOs such as <strong>Oxfam</strong> are also increasingly introducing elements ofsocial protection in<strong>to</strong> their programmes.The burgeoning interest in social protection springs both from animproving grasp of the nature of <strong>poverty</strong> and inequality and from past209