From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec From poverty to power - Oxfam-Québec
2 POWER AND POLITICS I VOTE, THEREFORE I AMdemocracy work), but the relationship between market and democracydoes more closely resemble a difficult and stormy marriage than theblissful partnership portrayed by many Northern governments.Overall, the most plausible hypothesis is that economic growthmore often prompts democracy than vice versa. For example, in SouthKorea, economic growth gave rise to a new, educated business elitewho resented the heavy-handed involvement of the state in theiraffairs, a process many observers expect to be repeated in China as itsmiddle class grows. The hypothesis, however, raises uncomfortablequestions: does fighting for democracy in poor countries bring morefreedom, but at the cost of less growth? And in terms of a broad understandingof development, is that acceptable? Does the search forgrowth justify autocratic government and the denial of rights? Sincedemocracy appears earlier or later in different countries’developmentand has different impacts on poverty, inequality, and growth, the realchallenge is to understand how institutions, events, geography, andpolitics interact to determine these outcomes.PARLIAMENTS AND POLITICAL PARTIESThe workings of elected legislatures are often overlooked, but areessential in the construction of effective, accountable states. Historicallyweak ‘rubber stamp’ affairs in many countries, parliaments, orcongresses are often unrepresentative and frequently beholden topowerful political leaders for their jobs – a surefire way to curb overtroublesomeopposition. Women are notoriously under-represented,occupying only 17.1 per cent of parliamentary seats worldwide in2007. The most equitable parliament in the world at present isRwanda’s lower house, where women hold nearly 49 per cent of theseats. 112 Legislative bodies are often starved of funds and the basicskills needed to carry out their functions, and often isolated from thecivil society organisations, media, private sector, and trade unions thatcould help them carry out their jobs.Parliaments have in some cases started to assert themselves, forexample by providing oversight of budget processes in Tanzania, orrestraining presidents from overturning the constitution to seek athird term in Nigeria. Elsewhere they have demanded the right toscrutinise loan agreements with international institutions and have83
FROM POVERTY TO POWERstarted to attract the attention of donors (among Northern governmentorganisations, USAID has the most established track record offunding the strengthening of legislatures). Over 40 countries have alsoadopted quota laws to regulate the selection or election of women topolitical office, and the average proportion of women in nationalparliaments has doubled since 1995. 113Opinion polls show that they are almost universally despised bythe public, and they are often close to invisible in the literature ondevelopment, but political parties play a vital role in linking citizensand state. Development is not only about individual freedom ofchoice, but also about making difficult choices at the collective level.Parties bring together and sift the constellation of public needs anddesires, reconciling conflicts as they endeavour to win support from awide selection of groups. Following an election victory, the winningparty seeks to translate public desires into policy. In office, the partybecomes a focus of accountability and a channel for influencinggovernment. Social movements and poor communities lobby parties,as well as civil servants and political leaders. Indeed, parties such asBrazil’s PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores, the Workers’ Party) grewlargely out of the country’s vibrant social movements and tradeunions and still retain strong links with both.However, many political parties fail to live up to this ideal, and aremere vehicles for individuals or elites to enrich themselves or to gainpower. Party politics often seems to belong in the gossip columns,with a focus on personalities – who’s in, who’s out, who’s riflingthe state’s coffers – rather than on policies. Patronage politics easilyfragments parties along ethnic, tribal, regional, or religious lines, aslocal ‘big men’ use state resources to buy support and power. InMalawi and Tanzania, for instance, the proliferation of parties hasmerely fragmented patronage politics, leading to serious politicalinstability as rival parties vie for power. 114 New parties appearovernight, and wax or wane with the fortunes of their leaders. In othercountries, dominant presidents make the increasing number ofparties in parliament largely irrelevant.Most political parties fall somewhere between these extremes, andoften reflect the state of civil society and its capacity to oblige partiesto offer collective rather than individual benefits. Their willingness84
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2 POWER AND POLITICS I VOTE, THEREFORE I AMdemocracy work), but the relationship between market and democracydoes more closely resemble a difficult and s<strong>to</strong>rmy marriage than theblissful partnership portrayed by many Northern governments.Overall, the most plausible hypothesis is that economic growthmore often prompts democracy than vice versa. For example, in SouthKorea, economic growth gave rise <strong>to</strong> a new, educated business elitewho resented the heavy-handed involvement of the state in theiraffairs, a process many observers expect <strong>to</strong> be repeated in China as itsmiddle class grows. The hypothesis, however, raises uncomfortablequestions: does fighting for democracy in poor countries bring morefreedom, but at the cost of less growth? And in terms of a broad understandingof development, is that acceptable? Does the search forgrowth justify au<strong>to</strong>cratic government and the denial of rights? Sincedemocracy appears earlier or later in different countries’developmentand has different impacts on <strong>poverty</strong>, inequality, and growth, the realchallenge is <strong>to</strong> understand how institutions, events, geography, andpolitics interact <strong>to</strong> determine these outcomes.PARLIAMENTS AND POLITICAL PARTIESThe workings of elected legislatures are often overlooked, but areessential in the construction of effective, accountable states. His<strong>to</strong>ricallyweak ‘rubber stamp’ affairs in many countries, parliaments, orcongresses are often unrepresentative and frequently beholden <strong>to</strong><strong>power</strong>ful political leaders for their jobs – a surefire way <strong>to</strong> curb overtroublesomeopposition. Women are no<strong>to</strong>riously under-represented,occupying only 17.1 per cent of parliamentary seats worldwide in2007. The most equitable parliament in the world at present isRwanda’s lower house, where women hold nearly 49 per cent of theseats. 112 Legislative bodies are often starved of funds and the basicskills needed <strong>to</strong> carry out their functions, and often isolated from thecivil society organisations, media, private sec<strong>to</strong>r, and trade unions thatcould help them carry out their jobs.Parliaments have in some cases started <strong>to</strong> assert themselves, forexample by providing oversight of budget processes in Tanzania, orrestraining presidents from overturning the constitution <strong>to</strong> seek athird term in Nigeria. Elsewhere they have demanded the right <strong>to</strong>scrutinise loan agreements with international institutions and have83