Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
39 Becoming and Being a Tattooed Person tattoo as one of a variety of exoskeletal defenses-modifications of the body that protect the "psychological integrity" of the person in the face of perceived external threat. There is considerable disagreement in the psychological literature over the diagnostic value of tattoo possession or design content. Haines and Huffman (1958: 112). for example, suggest the utility of viewing tattoos as indicators of the emotional maturity and personality characteristics of the wearer. More recently, Grumet (1983) has adVised clinicians to use interpretations of tattoo symbolism and discussions of tattoos with patients as part of the diagnostic process. He maintains that the tattoo can be viewed as a psychic crutch aimed to repair a crippled self-image. inspire hope, keep noxious emotions at bay, and reduce the discrepancy between the indiVidual and his aspirations.... Like the dreaming process, tattoos condense, symbolize, and displace psychic energy to a meaningful image.... In some tattooed indiViduals such designs may provide the key to a nexus of psychopathological factors. while in others they merely enhance the verbal history (p. 491; cr. Ferguson-Rayport et al.. 1955; Yamamoto et al.. 1963). In contrast, the literature that focuses on incarcerated tattooed persons or that posits a relationship between criminal behavior and tattoo possession tends to be less strident and condemnatory. It also is less likely to be oriented toward a pathology perspective and is based on more methodologically sound research than are the psychiatric studies (see especially Taylor, 1970. and Mosher et al.. 1967). Persons incarcerated for criminal offenses are significantly more likely than psychiatric patients to be tattooed. Most studies indicate that from one-third to two-thirds of prison inmates possess tattoos. Various analysts see being tattooed as indicating a penchant for violence (Newman. 1982), a tendency toward self-destructive behaVior (Burma, 1965; Kurtzberg et aI., 1967; Taylor, 1970), a pathological need for attention (Haines and Huffman, 1958), or a tendency to engage in certain forms of property crime (Haines and Huffman. 1958; Orten and Bell, 1974).3 It is more common, however, for the research with incarcerated per-
40 Becoming and Being a Tattooed Person sons to stress the importance of the tattoo as a symbolic affirmation of valued associations and identities or as a response to the prison experience itself. In the prison population crude. nonprofessional. "jailhouse tattoos" predominate. These markings are often acquired early in the individual's penal experience (Edgerton and Dingman. 1963: 145-146). Commonly. the new inmate receives a tattoo in order to symbolize involvement with an inmate social network. which provides protection and support. Researchers who have studied incarcerated females find tattoo marks to most commonly be related to intensely emotional lesbian relationships developed within the institution (Burma. 1965; Agris. 1977; Fox. 1976). Other analysts emphasize the inactivity and boredom that characterize the prison experience. From this perspective. the tattoo activity is essentially something to do-either to the self or to one's intimates-in order to pass the time (Scutt and Gotch. 1974: 110; Burma. 1965: 274). The primary theme that runs through most of the studies of tattooed prisoners is that being tattooed is a functional response to the "identity stripping" experienced by all those thrust involuntarily into the depersonalized environment of the total institution. Shorn of the personal effects which constitute his or her "identity-kit" (Goffman. 1961: 14-21). the inmate copes with this painful loss. in part. by acquiring identity symbols. which can not be taken away by offiCials. Further. tattooing within the institution is strongly proscribed by prison offiCials. Through the acquisition of tattoos the inmate symbolically defies those who personify authority (see Ross and McKay. 1979: 43-78). In other words. the literature focused on the tattooed law violator presents tattooing as an essentially rational. even healthy. means by which the indi Vidual copes with the "pains of imprisonment" (Sykes. 1966). It presents one of various ways in which the prisoner affirms membership in a protective primary reference group. asserts independence from oppressive authority. and symbolically reestablishes key aspects of an identity. which is ritually stripped during the offiCial initiation into the total institution. 4 In contrast to much of the "scientific" literature on tattOOing. this chapter presents the phenomenon as a normal. symbolically
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40 Becoming and Being a <strong>Tattoo</strong>ed Person<br />
sons to stress <strong>the</strong> importance of <strong>the</strong> tattoo as a symbolic affirmation<br />
of valued associations and identities or as a response to <strong>the</strong><br />
prison experience itself.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> prison population crude. nonprofessional. "jailhouse tattoos"<br />
predominate. These markings are often acquired early in <strong>the</strong><br />
individual's penal experience (Edgerton and Dingman. 1963:<br />
145-146). Commonly. <strong>the</strong> new inmate receives a tattoo in order to<br />
symbolize involvement with an inmate social network. which provides<br />
protection and support. Researchers who have studied incarcerated<br />
females find tattoo marks to most commonly be related<br />
to intensely emotional lesbian relationships developed within <strong>the</strong><br />
institution (Burma. 1965; Agris. 1977; Fox. 1976). O<strong>the</strong>r analysts<br />
emphasize <strong>the</strong> inactivity and boredom that characterize <strong>the</strong><br />
prison experience. From this perspective. <strong>the</strong> tattoo activity is essentially<br />
something to do-ei<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> self or to one's intimates-in<br />
order to pass <strong>the</strong> time (Scutt and Gotch. 1974: 110;<br />
Burma. 1965: 274).<br />
The primary <strong>the</strong>me that runs through most of <strong>the</strong> studies of<br />
tattooed prisoners is that being tattooed is a functional response<br />
to <strong>the</strong> "identity stripping" experienced by all those thrust involuntarily<br />
into <strong>the</strong> depersonalized environment of <strong>the</strong> total institution.<br />
Shorn of <strong>the</strong> personal effects which constitute his or her "identity-kit"<br />
(Goffman. 1961: 14-21). <strong>the</strong> inmate copes with this painful<br />
loss. in part. by acquiring identity symbols. which can not be<br />
taken away by offiCials. Fur<strong>the</strong>r. tattooing within <strong>the</strong> institution<br />
is strongly proscribed by prison offiCials. Through <strong>the</strong> acquisition<br />
of tattoos <strong>the</strong> inmate symbolically defies those who personify<br />
authority (see Ross and McKay. 1979: 43-78). In o<strong>the</strong>r words. <strong>the</strong><br />
literature focused on <strong>the</strong> tattooed law violator presents tattooing<br />
as an essentially rational. even healthy. means by which <strong>the</strong> indi<br />
Vidual copes with <strong>the</strong> "pains of imprisonment" (Sykes. 1966). It<br />
presents one of various ways in which <strong>the</strong> prisoner affirms membership<br />
in a protective primary reference group. asserts independence<br />
from oppressive authority. and symbolically reestablishes<br />
key aspects of an identity. which is ritually stripped during <strong>the</strong><br />
offiCial initiation into <strong>the</strong> total institution. 4<br />
In contrast to much of <strong>the</strong> "scientific" literature on tattOOing.<br />
this chapter presents <strong>the</strong> phenomenon as a normal. symbolically
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