Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
25 Introduction surrounding tattoo production and consumption and the regulatory environment in which tattooing must operate. CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN TATTOO PRODUCTION AND CONTENT The Production Structure and Producer Perspectives Systems of commercial cultural production typically display a "craft" organization; the structure centers around the activities of a body of "creative professionals" who produce materials that are. in turn. evaluated by members of an administrative group that chooses which products will be marketed on the basis of their assumed commercial potential. At base. this is a conservative structure. Decision-makers at the manageriaVadministrative level are uncertain which features will assure success in the marketplace. This problem of "commercial uncertainty" is dealt with. in part. through a reliance on formulae. Products that have proven to be commercially successful in the past are reproduced with only minor variation (Hirsch. 1972; Gitlin. 1983). In addition. production systems that display centralized and oligopolistic organization are minimally inconvenienced by competition and tend to market materials characterized by stylistic homogeneity. In contrast. less centralized and bureaucratically organized production yields higher levels of competition and increases reliance upon the decisions made at the creative level. Creator autonomy generates innovation and product diversity (see Peterson and Berger. 1975; DiMaggio. 1977). TattOOing is characterized by individual entrepreneurship. decentralization. local competition. and minimal interaction among primary creators. The relatively simple materials necessary for tattooing are available to anyone who gains access to eqUipment suppliers. and the basic techniques are easily acqUired. Tattooists. therefore. tend to be indiVidualistic. secretive. and competitive. Levels of technical skill vary Widely. Given the apparent decentralized organizational structure of the socio-occupational world surrounding tattoo production. one would expect considerable stylistic heterogeneity. Why does this highly decentralized and competitive system not generate stylistic diversity. rather
26 Introduction than the homogeneous. formulaic. and tradition-bound corpus of work that, until only recently. has typified contemporary tattooing? The majority of professional tattooists have consistently emphasized a commercial. rather than creative. occupational orientation. The desire to maximize profit reqUired the tattooist to cede conSiderable control over his or her worklife and to attend primarily to the demands of the customer (cr.. Sinha. 1979; Rosenblum. 1978: 63-86; Faulkner. 1983: 148-167). The typical clientele. in turn. had only limited experience with tattooing and defined the indelible images as having limited functional utility-principally. decoration and/or symbolization of personal association or selfidentification. Tattoo customers most commonly chose to purchase images that were like those carried by friends. family members. or other primary associates. The tattooist was. in other words. subjected to limited market demands and felt little commercial pressure to engage in innovative or educational interactions with the client. In addition to the dominant economic orientation of the producer and the narrow demands of a stylistically conservative clientele. tattooing has been highly formulaic due to the structural centrality of and power exercised by a few tattoo supply firms. Commonly run by ex-tattooists. these organizations prOVide most tattooists with the eqUipment and materials (pigments. standard design sheets. needles. acetate sheets for making templates. and so forth) they need to do business. Of equal importance is the fact that tattoo eqUipment suppliers have been (and continue to be) at the center of the organizational communications structure. Supply firms publish newsletters which contain interviews. photos of tattoos. and general gOSSip. They also are responsible for organizing yearly conventions attended by tattooists and tattoo enthusiasts. The work on display in the newsletters and at the conventions has continued to be overwhelmingly formulaic. although the technical quality varies considerably. (See Eldridge. 1986. for a history of tattoo suppliers.) Most tattooists and tattooees. therefore. have. until recently. had limited exposure to stylistic diversity; and evaluations of tattoo quality have emphasized the apparent technical skill rather than the innovativeness of de Sign content.
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26 Introduction<br />
than <strong>the</strong> homogeneous. formulaic. and tradition-bound corpus of<br />
work that, until only recently. has typified contemporary tattooing?<br />
The majority of professional tattooists have consistently emphasized<br />
a commercial. ra<strong>the</strong>r than creative. occupational orientation.<br />
The desire to maximize profit reqUired <strong>the</strong> tattooist to cede<br />
conSiderable control over his or her worklife and to attend primarily<br />
to <strong>the</strong> demands of <strong>the</strong> customer (cr.. Sinha. 1979; Rosenblum.<br />
1978: 63-86; Faulkner. 1983: 148-167). The typical clientele. in<br />
turn. had only limited experience with tattooing and defined <strong>the</strong><br />
indelible images as having limited functional utility-principally.<br />
decoration and/or symbolization of personal association or selfidentification.<br />
<strong>Tattoo</strong> customers most commonly chose to purchase<br />
images that were like those carried by friends. family<br />
members. or o<strong>the</strong>r primary associates. The tattooist was. in o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
words. subjected to limited market demands and felt little commercial<br />
pressure to engage in innovative or educational interactions<br />
with <strong>the</strong> client.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong> dominant economic orientation of <strong>the</strong> producer<br />
and <strong>the</strong> narrow demands of a stylistically conservative clientele.<br />
tattooing has been highly formulaic due to <strong>the</strong> structural<br />
centrality of and power exercised by a few tattoo supply firms.<br />
Commonly run by ex-tattooists. <strong>the</strong>se organizations prOVide most<br />
tattooists with <strong>the</strong> eqUipment and materials (pigments. standard<br />
design sheets. needles. acetate sheets for making templates. and<br />
so forth) <strong>the</strong>y need to do business. Of equal importance is <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that tattoo eqUipment suppliers have been (and continue to be)<br />
at <strong>the</strong> center of <strong>the</strong> organizational communications structure.<br />
Supply firms publish newsletters which contain interviews. photos<br />
of tattoos. and general gOSSip. They also are responsible for<br />
organizing yearly conventions attended by tattooists and tattoo<br />
enthusiasts. The work on display in <strong>the</strong> newsletters and at <strong>the</strong><br />
conventions has continued to be overwhelmingly formulaic. although<br />
<strong>the</strong> technical quality varies considerably. (See Eldridge.<br />
1986. for a history of tattoo suppliers.) Most tattooists and tattooees.<br />
<strong>the</strong>refore. have. until recently. had limited exposure to stylistic<br />
diversity; and evaluations of tattoo quality have emphasized<br />
<strong>the</strong> apparent technical skill ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> innovativeness of de<br />
Sign content.