Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
21 Introduction the corporeal changes move the recipient closer to the aesthetic ideal of the group-be it conventional or deviant-with which he or she identifies. Further, they have the function of providing symbolic information about the bearer's personal interests. social position. relationships. or self-definition. Body alteration is culture; it is meaningful to the members of the society in which it occurs. and it is produced within complex webs of collective action. As seen above. cicatrization. body painting. infibulation. tattooing, and other forms of body alteration have, in most societies. clearly defined and broadly understood aesthetic meaning. Contemporary western tattooing-the primary focus of attention here-is of particular interest because its social definition is undergoing significant change. Tattooing is being moved away from its roots as a widely disvalued craft-like practice pursued by producers and consumers who are marginal to mainstream social groups. In turn. impelled by the purposive activities of a variety of committed individuals, it is coming to be defined as an art form centered in a "minor art world," which has a clear. if somewhat conflictual and marginal. relationship to the larger social world that revolves around accepted and valued artistic endeavors. In the remainder of this chapter. I will briefly present the two dominant conceptual contexts used to orient this analysis. The production ojculture perspective focuses on the process by which cultural materials are conceived. created, distributed. evaluated. and utilized. The institutional theory ojart deals with the process by which objects and activities come to be socially labeled as art and the producers directly involved in the creative endeavors assume the social role of artist. Having laid this conceptual foundation. I will then move to the organization of the social world surrounding tattoo production, the structure of the market for tattOOing. and the pattern of regulation by which agents of the larger society exercise control over tattoo production and impede its legitimation as an acceptable cultural phenomenon. The Production of Culture Analyses of art works, craft materials, items of popular culture. and so forth traditionally have focused primarily on the form and content of these cultural products. Recent work employing the
22 Introduction "production of culture perspective" (for example. Peterson. 1976; Sanders. 1982; Tuchman. 1983; Jensen. 1984) emphasizes the importance of the social organization of art and media production systems as being the central factor shaping the form and content of cultural items and determining the social process by which they come into being. This perspective directs attention to the cooperative activities of social actors ("collective action") working together within production organizations to conceive. create. and distribute artistic materials (Becker. 1974). This interaction is importantly constrained by structural features such as the division of labor. available resources. technological developments. and distribution channels. Within this structural context the collective action is coordinated through the use of "conventions"-shared understandings that specify the commonly accepted and expected form and content of the art product ("product conventions") and the usual relationships that constrain the interactions of production personnel ("production conventions"). (See Becker. 1982: 28-34; Burns. 1972; and Lewis. 1969 for more extensive discussions.) The content of cultural materials is derived from the product conventions that speCify the appropriate materials employed. abstractions regularly used to convey central ideas. suitable dimensions of the work. and other form/content features (see Rosenblum. 1978; Gombrich. 1969: 291; Becker. 1982: 29). Product conventions are known to and expected by critics. collectors. producers. and the various other members of the world surrounding the cultural product. The response of the larger audience/consumer group and the commercial success of the product are directly related to the producer's compliance with or deViation from conventional expectations. Conventions imply an aesthetic. and creators who alter or ignore established expectations pay the price. Leaders of technical and stylistic revolutions affront the political status quo of the relevant production world and commonly find it more difficult to produce their work. gain acceptance. and market their product. Functional analyses of deviance (for example. Merton. 1968; Durkheim. 1966 [1938]) emphasize the importance of deviance as a positive source of social change. This general principle is appar-
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22 Introduction<br />
"production of culture perspective" (for example. Peterson. 1976;<br />
Sanders. 1982; Tuchman. 1983; Jensen. 1984) emphasizes <strong>the</strong><br />
importance of <strong>the</strong> social organization of art and media production<br />
systems as being <strong>the</strong> central factor shaping <strong>the</strong> form and content<br />
of cultural items and determining <strong>the</strong> social process by which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y come into being. This perspective directs attention to <strong>the</strong><br />
cooperative activities of social actors ("collective action") working<br />
toge<strong>the</strong>r within production organizations to conceive. create.<br />
and distribute artistic materials (Becker. 1974). This interaction<br />
is importantly constrained by structural features such as <strong>the</strong><br />
division of labor. available resources. technological developments.<br />
and distribution channels.<br />
Within this structural context <strong>the</strong> collective action is coordinated<br />
through <strong>the</strong> use of "conventions"-shared understandings<br />
that specify <strong>the</strong> commonly accepted and expected form and<br />
content of <strong>the</strong> art product ("product conventions") and <strong>the</strong> usual<br />
relationships that constrain <strong>the</strong> interactions of production personnel<br />
("production conventions"). (See Becker. 1982: 28-34;<br />
Burns. 1972; and Lewis. 1969 for more extensive discussions.)<br />
The content of cultural materials is derived from <strong>the</strong> product conventions<br />
that speCify <strong>the</strong> appropriate materials employed. abstractions<br />
regularly used to convey central ideas. suitable dimensions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> work. and o<strong>the</strong>r form/content features (see Rosenblum.<br />
1978; Gombrich. 1969: 291; Becker. 1982: 29). Product conventions<br />
are known to and expected by critics. collectors. producers.<br />
and <strong>the</strong> various o<strong>the</strong>r members of <strong>the</strong> world surrounding <strong>the</strong> cultural<br />
product. The response of <strong>the</strong> larger audience/consumer<br />
group and <strong>the</strong> commercial success of <strong>the</strong> product are directly<br />
related to <strong>the</strong> producer's compliance with or deViation from conventional<br />
expectations. Conventions imply an aes<strong>the</strong>tic. and<br />
creators who alter or ignore established expectations pay <strong>the</strong><br />
price. Leaders of technical and stylistic revolutions affront <strong>the</strong> political<br />
status quo of <strong>the</strong> relevant production world and commonly<br />
find it more difficult to produce <strong>the</strong>ir work. gain acceptance. and<br />
market <strong>the</strong>ir product.<br />
Functional analyses of deviance (for example. Merton. 1968;<br />
Durkheim. 1966 [1938]) emphasize <strong>the</strong> importance of deviance as<br />
a positive source of social change. This general principle is appar-