Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo

Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo

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209 Notes to Chapter 2 which five members of a local college football team acquired identical tattoos on their hips: [Quote from fieldnotes] I ask the guy nearest to me if they are all getting work done. “Yeah. He (indicates friend) was so hot for it he would have done it himself if we couldn’t get it done today.” (You all getting hip shots?) “Yeah, that’s where all jocks get them. The coach would shit if he found out.” The conversation among the jocks turns to the issue of pain. They laugh as the guy being worked on grimaces as W (artist) finishes the outline and wipes the piece down with alcohol. The client observes that this experience isn’t bad compared to the time “I fucked up my hand in a game and had to have steel pins put in the knuckles. One of them got bent and the doctor had to cut it out. That was bad. I got the cold sweats.” Some of the others join in by telling their “worst pain I ever experienced” stories. The guy being worked on is something of a bleeder and the others kid him about this. As W begins shading one of them shouts, “Come on, really grind it in there.” The cross-cultural literature on body alteration indicates that the pain of the process is an important factor. Ebin (1979: 88–89), for example, in discussing tattooing in the Marquesas Islands, states: The tattoo was not only an artistic achievement: it also demonstrated that its recipient could bear pain. On one island, the word to describe a person who was completely covered with tattoos is ne’one’o, based on a word meaning either “to cry for a long time” or “horrific.” One observer in the Marquesas noted that whenever people discussed the tattoo design, they emphasized the pain with which it was acquired. See also Brain, 1979: 183–184; Ross and McKay, 1979: 44–49, 67–69; Becker and Clark, 1979: 10, 19; St. Clair and Govenar, 1981: 100–135. 9. Other than simply accepting the regretted mark, there are few avenues of resolution open to dissatisfied tattooers. In the most extreme cases, the tattooed may try to obliterate the offending mark with acid or attempt to cut it off. A somewhat more reasoned (and considerably less painful) approach entails seeking the aid of a dermatologist or plastic surgeon who will medically remove the tattoo. The most common alternative, however, is to have the technically inferior piece redone or covered with another tattoo created by a more skilled practitioner. Tattooists estimate that 40 to 50 percent of their work entails reworking or applying coverups to poor quality tattoos. See Goldstein et al., 1979, and Hardy, 1983. 10. One traditional use of tattooing has been to mark indelibly social outcasts and defined deviants so that they can be easily identified and/or avoided by officials and “normals.” In sixth-century Japan, for example, criminals and social outcasts were tattooed on the face or arms as a form

210 Notes to Chapter 2 of negative public identification and punishment (Richie and Buruma, 1980: 12–13). Similarly, in the nineteenth century, inmates of the Massachusetts prison system had “Mass S. P.” and the date of their release tattooed on their left arms (Ebensten, 1953: 20). More recently, the Nazis tattooed identification numbers on the arms of concentration camp inmates. In April of 1986 conservative columnist William Buckley suggested that victims of AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) be tattooed on the buttocks in order to limit the spread of the disease among homosexuals (The Hartford Courant, April 19,1986, p. C6). 11. The literature directed at the fan world surrounding tattooing consistently makes reference to the “tattoo community.” For example: The choice of the artist and the image are of paramount importance. The collector is not only making a statement about himself, but is also visually displaying the art of tattooing. The collector has an obligation that goes far beyond commitment to oneself. The tattoo community as a whole is dependent on the critical abilities of those who look upon tattooing as a serious art form. . . . Like any other area of the arts that has a large following, tattooing creates for both the artist and the patron a culture that is familiar and appreciated. The tattooing community has a close bond between the artist and the collector, a bond much closer than in most artistic communities because of the intimate nature of a tattoo. Everyone who is part of the community shares in the responsibilities involved in keeping the art form alive and responsive (Brachfeld, 1982: 24–25). Chapter 3 1. Prior to entering tattooing interviewees had been truck drivers, car salesmen, automobile or motorcycle mechanics, construction workers, hospital attendants. 2. All but three of the interviewees reported that the idea of pursuing the occupation of tattooing was initiated while being personally tattooed. 3. Eleven (79 percent) of the fourteen interviewed tattooists reported that they had acquired their first tattoo machine from another artist. Five of the eleven purchased equipment from the tattooist who was doing their own work. 4. See Zeis, 1984 [1952]; Lemes, 1978. 5. Dr. Andrew Lemes (1978) reports that his life was threatened when word got out that he intended to publish “tattoo trade secrets.” This market-limiting secrecy within the tattoo world also has obvious implications for the researcher. In the early stages of my fieldwork tattooists were rather overt about expressing their suspicions that I might be interested in acquiring “secret information.”

210 Notes to Chapter 2<br />

of negative public identification and punishment (Richie and Buruma,<br />

1980: 12–13). Similarly, in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century, inmates of <strong>the</strong><br />

Massachusetts prison system had “Mass S. P.” and <strong>the</strong> date of <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

release tattooed on <strong>the</strong>ir left arms (Ebensten, 1953: 20). More recently,<br />

<strong>the</strong> Nazis tattooed identification numbers on <strong>the</strong> arms of concentration<br />

camp inmates. In April of 1986 conservative columnist William Buckley<br />

suggested that victims of AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome)<br />

be tattooed on <strong>the</strong> buttocks in order to limit <strong>the</strong> spread of <strong>the</strong> disease<br />

among homosexuals (The Hartford Courant, April 19,1986, p. C6).<br />

11. The literature directed at <strong>the</strong> fan world surrounding tattooing consistently<br />

makes reference to <strong>the</strong> “tattoo community.” For example:<br />

The choice of <strong>the</strong> artist and <strong>the</strong> image are of paramount<br />

importance. The collector is not only making a statement about<br />

himself, but is also visually displaying <strong>the</strong> art of tattooing. The<br />

collector has an obligation that goes far beyond commitment to<br />

oneself. The tattoo community as a whole is dependent on <strong>the</strong><br />

critical abilities of those who look upon tattooing as a serious art<br />

form. . . . Like any o<strong>the</strong>r area of <strong>the</strong> arts that has a large following,<br />

tattooing creates for both <strong>the</strong> artist and <strong>the</strong> patron a culture that is<br />

familiar and appreciated. The tattooing community has a close bond<br />

between <strong>the</strong> artist and <strong>the</strong> collector, a bond much closer than in<br />

most artistic communities because of <strong>the</strong> intimate nature of a<br />

tattoo. Everyone who is part of <strong>the</strong> community shares in <strong>the</strong><br />

responsibilities involved in keeping <strong>the</strong> art form alive and<br />

responsive (Brachfeld, 1982: 24–25).<br />

Chapter 3<br />

1. Prior to entering tattooing interviewees had been truck drivers, car<br />

salesmen, automobile or motorcycle mechanics, construction workers,<br />

hospital attendants.<br />

2. All but three of <strong>the</strong> interviewees reported that <strong>the</strong> idea of pursuing<br />

<strong>the</strong> occupation of tattooing was initiated while being personally tattooed.<br />

3. Eleven (79 percent) of <strong>the</strong> fourteen interviewed tattooists reported<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y had acquired <strong>the</strong>ir first tattoo machine from ano<strong>the</strong>r artist. Five<br />

of <strong>the</strong> eleven purchased equipment from <strong>the</strong> tattooist who was doing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

own work.<br />

4. See Zeis, 1984 [1952]; Lemes, 1978.<br />

5. Dr. Andrew Lemes (1978) reports that his life was threatened when<br />

word got out that he intended to publish “tattoo trade secrets.” This<br />

market-limiting secrecy within <strong>the</strong> tattoo world also has obvious implications<br />

for <strong>the</strong> researcher. In <strong>the</strong> early stages of my fieldwork tattooists were<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r overt about expressing <strong>the</strong>ir suspicions that I might be interested<br />

in acquiring “secret information.”

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