Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo

Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo

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187 Epilogue 2008 become more committed collectors and the tattoo will continue to have the identity-display functions discussed in Chapter 2, tattooing certainly will not die out altogether. It seems reasonable to predict that most likely to survive will be those street shops that put out the cheapest and most conventional tattoos for casual recipients and custom shops where the most talented artists provide work for the most committed collectors. However, the spread of tattooing has sapped, and will continue to diminish, the power of the tattoo to frighten or annoy members of mainstream society (see DeMello, 2000; Irwin, 2001). This means that tattooing no longer is effective as a mechanism of conspicuous outrage and, in order to symbolically divide “us” from “them,” marginal, alienated, or unconventional members of the society must continue to find innovative ways to induce outrage. This process of the escalation of outrage is ongoing and is seen in the spread of the alternative forms of body alteration discussed above and in the continuing search for new and different ways of modifying the body. As is frequently emphasized by sociologists interested in social change, one of the factors most responsible for this process is technological innovation. As advances in medical, artistic, computer, and other technologies change and diffuse, the available means of modifying the body—and outraging ordinary folks—will expand in turn. Bladders that are surgically implanted and can be expanded or deflated at will to alter one’s physiognomy, tattoo inks that glow in the dark, computerdirected instruments that inscribe burned or cut designs, tattoo images that move on the wearer’s body because of some form of animation process, decorative piercings of the torso or large muscles in the arms and legs, and automated vending machines in public settings that dispense permanent or semi-permanent body markings and piercings are but a few of the conceivable possibilities. Since deviant activities and styles typically act as the sources of innovation in popular culture (see Sanders, 1990), it is reasonable to anticipate that the process of spread, commercialization, and eventual decline of these new forms of outrage will unfold in much the way it did in tattooing. It is far easier to predict that social, medical, and behavioral analysts will continue to focus attention on body modification than it is to predict the direction of or changes in purposive body alteration itself. As seen above, these discussions tend to be lim-

188 Epilogue 2008 ited by the blinders provided by disciplinary perspectives. Psychologists and psychiatrists see body modification as indicative of some form of psychopathology, members of the medical community see it as a threat to individual and public health, criminologists see it as being related to involvement with dangerous deviant social groups, and so forth. It would seem far more reasonable to see body-modification activities and other features of social life as involving people who are relatively aware of their circumstances working together to make purposive decisions to live their lives in particular kinds of ways. These people typically negotiate the complexities of social worlds with relative skill, choose paths of behavior based on what they see as reasonable alternatives, and assemble a collection of selves and present them to others based on how they understand the situation they are in and what they want to accomplish within it. Consequently, those who seek to explain social worlds like that surrounding tattooing and other forms of body modification need to respect the perspectives of those who live within those social worlds. They should avoid imposing judgments about the relative legitimacy of these practices and should remain open to understanding the world as the people they are studying understand it. Sociologically “appreciating” certain groups and their collective activities is not the same as condoning, agreeing with, or even partaking in those activities. Understanding is not the same as, nor does it necessarily require, appreciation. While the body-modification phenomenon upon which Customizing the Body focuses is touching, uplifting, creative, and expressive on the one hand, it is also bizarre, unfortunate, and stigmatizing. What is central, however, is to recognize that these social practices are the consequences of people’s normal desires to have close relationships with others, see themselves as special, and mark the passage of their lives on earth.

187 Epilogue 2008<br />

become more committed collectors and <strong>the</strong> tattoo will continue to<br />

have <strong>the</strong> identity-display functions discussed in Chapter 2, tattooing<br />

certainly will not die out altoge<strong>the</strong>r. It seems reasonable to<br />

predict that most likely to survive will be those street shops that<br />

put out <strong>the</strong> cheapest and most conventional tattoos for casual recipients<br />

and custom shops where <strong>the</strong> most talented artists provide<br />

work for <strong>the</strong> most committed collectors.<br />

However, <strong>the</strong> spread of tattooing has sapped, and will continue<br />

to diminish, <strong>the</strong> power of <strong>the</strong> tattoo to frighten or annoy members<br />

of mainstream society (see DeMello, 2000; Irwin, 2001). This<br />

means that tattooing no longer is effective as a mechanism of conspicuous<br />

outrage and, in order to symbolically divide “us” from<br />

“<strong>the</strong>m,” marginal, alienated, or unconventional members of <strong>the</strong><br />

society must continue to find innovative ways to induce outrage.<br />

This process of <strong>the</strong> escalation of outrage is ongoing and is seen in<br />

<strong>the</strong> spread of <strong>the</strong> alternative forms of body alteration discussed<br />

above and in <strong>the</strong> continuing search for new and different ways of<br />

modifying <strong>the</strong> body. As is frequently emphasized by sociologists<br />

interested in social change, one of <strong>the</strong> factors most responsible<br />

for this process is technological innovation. As advances in medical,<br />

artistic, computer, and o<strong>the</strong>r technologies change and diffuse,<br />

<strong>the</strong> available means of modifying <strong>the</strong> body—and outraging<br />

ordinary folks—will expand in turn. Bladders that are surgically<br />

implanted and can be expanded or deflated at will to alter one’s<br />

physiognomy, tattoo inks that glow in <strong>the</strong> dark, computerdirected<br />

instruments that inscribe burned or cut designs, tattoo<br />

images that move on <strong>the</strong> wearer’s body because of some form of<br />

animation process, decorative piercings of <strong>the</strong> torso or large muscles<br />

in <strong>the</strong> arms and legs, and automated vending machines in<br />

public settings that dispense permanent or semi-permanent body<br />

markings and piercings are but a few of <strong>the</strong> conceivable possibilities.<br />

Since deviant activities and styles typically act as <strong>the</strong> sources<br />

of innovation in popular culture (see Sanders, 1990), it is reasonable<br />

to anticipate that <strong>the</strong> process of spread, commercialization,<br />

and eventual decline of <strong>the</strong>se new forms of outrage will unfold in<br />

much <strong>the</strong> way it did in tattooing.<br />

It is far easier to predict that social, medical, and behavioral<br />

analysts will continue to focus attention on body modification<br />

than it is to predict <strong>the</strong> direction of or changes in purposive body<br />

alteration itself. As seen above, <strong>the</strong>se discussions tend to be lim-

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