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Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo

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185 Epilogue 2008<br />

and perceptions of <strong>the</strong> body arise out of social interaction. Atkinson<br />

develops a “figurational” sociology that offers a picture of tattooing<br />

as shaped both by social structure and <strong>the</strong> creative<br />

personal decisions of those who choose to acquire tattoos. Imbedded<br />

within a matrix of complex relationships and interdependencies,<br />

people, Atkinson maintains, use tattooing as a life-long body<br />

project that allows <strong>the</strong>m to define, negotiate, and maintain definitions<br />

of self, identity, and social position.<br />

Finally, Angus Vail’s (1999a, 1999b, 2000, 2001) research on<br />

fine-art tattoo collectors and artists builds on and moves beyond<br />

some of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes introduced in <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Body</strong>. Based on<br />

interviews, fieldwork, and his experiences participating in <strong>the</strong> fine<br />

art-tattoo world, Vail emphasizes <strong>the</strong> process through which<br />

people convince one ano<strong>the</strong>r that <strong>the</strong>ir own consumption or production<br />

of art is legitimate, valuable, and important.<br />

Taken as a body of research, Vail’s work is an explicit extension<br />

of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes laid out in <strong>the</strong> original edition of <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Body</strong>. For instance, in his treatment of <strong>the</strong> process through which<br />

people become tattoo collectors, Vail (1999b) extends <strong>the</strong> discussion<br />

in Chapter 2 of <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Body</strong> to show how collectors<br />

undergo processes of self definition as <strong>the</strong>y learn how to treat <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

bodies as explicit sites of artistic activity (“canvases”). In charting<br />

<strong>the</strong> process through which collectors come to enlarge <strong>the</strong>ir collections<br />

and <strong>the</strong>reby come to incorporate <strong>the</strong>ir tattoos as a central<br />

feature of <strong>the</strong>ir identities, Vail makes <strong>the</strong> key distinction between<br />

those who have tattoos and those who are tattooed. As he puts it:<br />

[The] tattoos [of <strong>the</strong> person who merely has tattoos] are no<br />

different than <strong>the</strong> car she or he drives or <strong>the</strong> hair style she or<br />

he sports on any given day. Like <strong>the</strong>se adornments, tattoos<br />

represent possessions that can be considered with or without<br />

<strong>the</strong> individual who wears <strong>the</strong>m. ...To<strong>the</strong>collector [in<br />

contrast], tattoos are not something one owns. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>y<br />

are part of him or her, no less important than <strong>the</strong> color of his<br />

or her hair or skin and no more easily removed from his or<br />

her identity than his or her deepest beliefs, most profound<br />

concerns, or idiosyncratic sense of humor (p. 270).<br />

In a similar vein, Vail’s (2000) article on <strong>the</strong> socialization of<br />

tattoo artists builds on <strong>the</strong> discussions of apprenticeship and

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