Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
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185 Epilogue 2008<br />
and perceptions of <strong>the</strong> body arise out of social interaction. Atkinson<br />
develops a “figurational” sociology that offers a picture of tattooing<br />
as shaped both by social structure and <strong>the</strong> creative<br />
personal decisions of those who choose to acquire tattoos. Imbedded<br />
within a matrix of complex relationships and interdependencies,<br />
people, Atkinson maintains, use tattooing as a life-long body<br />
project that allows <strong>the</strong>m to define, negotiate, and maintain definitions<br />
of self, identity, and social position.<br />
Finally, Angus Vail’s (1999a, 1999b, 2000, 2001) research on<br />
fine-art tattoo collectors and artists builds on and moves beyond<br />
some of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes introduced in <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Body</strong>. Based on<br />
interviews, fieldwork, and his experiences participating in <strong>the</strong> fine<br />
art-tattoo world, Vail emphasizes <strong>the</strong> process through which<br />
people convince one ano<strong>the</strong>r that <strong>the</strong>ir own consumption or production<br />
of art is legitimate, valuable, and important.<br />
Taken as a body of research, Vail’s work is an explicit extension<br />
of <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes laid out in <strong>the</strong> original edition of <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Body</strong>. For instance, in his treatment of <strong>the</strong> process through which<br />
people become tattoo collectors, Vail (1999b) extends <strong>the</strong> discussion<br />
in Chapter 2 of <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Body</strong> to show how collectors<br />
undergo processes of self definition as <strong>the</strong>y learn how to treat <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
bodies as explicit sites of artistic activity (“canvases”). In charting<br />
<strong>the</strong> process through which collectors come to enlarge <strong>the</strong>ir collections<br />
and <strong>the</strong>reby come to incorporate <strong>the</strong>ir tattoos as a central<br />
feature of <strong>the</strong>ir identities, Vail makes <strong>the</strong> key distinction between<br />
those who have tattoos and those who are tattooed. As he puts it:<br />
[The] tattoos [of <strong>the</strong> person who merely has tattoos] are no<br />
different than <strong>the</strong> car she or he drives or <strong>the</strong> hair style she or<br />
he sports on any given day. Like <strong>the</strong>se adornments, tattoos<br />
represent possessions that can be considered with or without<br />
<strong>the</strong> individual who wears <strong>the</strong>m. ...To<strong>the</strong>collector [in<br />
contrast], tattoos are not something one owns. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are part of him or her, no less important than <strong>the</strong> color of his<br />
or her hair or skin and no more easily removed from his or<br />
her identity than his or her deepest beliefs, most profound<br />
concerns, or idiosyncratic sense of humor (p. 270).<br />
In a similar vein, Vail’s (2000) article on <strong>the</strong> socialization of<br />
tattoo artists builds on <strong>the</strong> discussions of apprenticeship and