Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
181 Epilogue 2008 distinguish among tattooing, piercing, self-cutting, and other forms of body alteration. Typically, academic discussions of body modification are premised on the conventional, but often unstated, assumption that body modification is pathological. Guided by this initial assumption, researchers often fail to collect data that would provide the basis for a discussion of the phenomenon as the consequence of choices “normal” people make for a variety of understandable, eminently social, and usually quite ordinary reasons. This tendency to pathologize body alteration is not limited to any particular academic discipline. Quantitative studies conducted by sociologists also try to demonstrate what is wrong with people who choose to modify or adorn their bodies in fairly permanent ways. Carol and Anderson’s (2002) study of girls in a residential program for at-risk youth correlates tattoos and body piercings with “trait anger.” Koch and his associates (2005) applied the “Health Belief Model” to the decision-making process of young adults in order to discover the social and psychological influences that could prevent a person from engaging in such “risky” behavior as getting a tattoo. Hawkes, Senn, and Thorn’s (2004) experimental study was designed to test whether the size and visibility of women’s tattoos have negative impact on how other people see them. Though somewhat less judgmental, Jacobson and Luzzatto (2004) use data drawn from participant observation to support their claims that tattoos and other body adornments are faddish affectations and help provide adolescents with a sense of individuality. The anthropological treatment of tattooing has followed several distinct paths. The most traditionally “anthropological” of these approaches focuses on tattooing as it is practiced in tribal societies. A notable example of this approach is Alfred Gell’s (1993) Wrapping in Images. This book offers a rich analysis of Polynesian tattooing that connects the decorative activity to the mythology, cosmology, and identity practices in six Polynesian cultures and traditions. Gell’s work is especially notable in that it offers careful and complete documentation of cultural practices in cultures that, for all intents and purposes, no longer exist. A second form of anthropological analysis extends traditional attention to relatively simple cultures by focusing on the co-optation of cultural meanings of “tribal” and “primitive” tattooing and
182 Epilogue 2008 body modification practices by contemporary social groups. Pritchard (1999, 2000, 2001), for example, focuses on the appropriation of Maori tattoo practices (ta moko) by “modern primitives.” The author focuses particularly on the issue of whether cultural meanings and identities can be appropriated by one culture without severely distorting their significance within the cultural group in which they originated. Along similar lines, the selections in the volumes edited by Caplan (2000) and Thomas, Cole, and Douglas (2005) combine historical and anthropological approaches to examine the complex movement of tattooing from Polynesia to Europe and America. While Captain Cook’s role in this process is well documented and widely known, the works in these two collections show that the typical accounts of his influence are overly simplistic and fail to acknowledge the influences of a variety of other indigenous cultures. The final path of anthropological analysis follows most directly in the tradition of Customizing the Body in that it employs information collected through direct interaction with people involved with body modification and tends to avoid pathologizing the phenomenon. DeMello’s (2000) Bodies of Inscription, for example, moves from a historical discussion of tattooing to focus on the central role played by tattoo conventions and publications in forming styles and orientations within the tattoo world. DeMello’s discussion is grounded in extensive interview data and emphasizes the importance of body alteration in shaping the identities and social connections of the largely middle class members of the tattoo world on which she focused. Like sociologist Katherine Irwin (2001, 2003), DeMello emphasizes inequalities that she sees in the tattoo subculture, especially those based on gender and class. In the 1990s serious discussions of body modification often reflected the postmodern analytic and presentational conventions that had become popular in certain social scientific circles. These works tended to be obscurely worded, based on rather speculative “readings” of limited data, and employ an analytic frame premised on the central role played by social inequality. For example, Rosenblatt’s (1997) secondary analysis of Modern Primitives (Vale and Juno, 2005 [1989]) presents modern primitivism as a form of resistance to social and cultural structures that have
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- Page 178 and 179: 151 Conclusion tutional theory of a
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- Page 217 and 218: 190 Methodological Appendix Fairly
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- Page 231 and 232: 204 Selected Tattoo Artist Websites
- Page 233 and 234: 206 Notes to Preface to the Revised
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- Page 249 and 250: 222 References ———. 1967. “
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182 Epilogue 2008<br />
body modification practices by contemporary social groups.<br />
Pritchard (1999, 2000, 2001), for example, focuses on <strong>the</strong> appropriation<br />
of Maori tattoo practices (ta moko) by “modern primitives.”<br />
The author focuses particularly on <strong>the</strong> issue of whe<strong>the</strong>r<br />
cultural meanings and identities can be appropriated by one<br />
culture without severely distorting <strong>the</strong>ir significance within<br />
<strong>the</strong> cultural group in which <strong>the</strong>y originated.<br />
Along similar lines, <strong>the</strong> selections in <strong>the</strong> volumes edited by<br />
Caplan (2000) and Thomas, Cole, and Douglas (2005) combine<br />
historical and anthropological approaches to examine <strong>the</strong> complex<br />
movement of tattooing from Polynesia to Europe and America.<br />
While Captain Cook’s role in this process is well documented<br />
and widely known, <strong>the</strong> works in <strong>the</strong>se two collections show that<br />
<strong>the</strong> typical accounts of his influence are overly simplistic and fail<br />
to acknowledge <strong>the</strong> influences of a variety of o<strong>the</strong>r indigenous cultures.<br />
The final path of anthropological analysis follows most directly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> tradition of <strong>Customizing</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Body</strong> in that it employs information<br />
collected through direct interaction with people involved<br />
with body modification and tends to avoid pathologizing <strong>the</strong> phenomenon.<br />
DeMello’s (2000) Bodies of Inscription, for example,<br />
moves from a historical discussion of tattooing to focus on <strong>the</strong><br />
central role played by tattoo conventions and publications in<br />
forming styles and orientations within <strong>the</strong> tattoo world. DeMello’s<br />
discussion is grounded in extensive interview data and emphasizes<br />
<strong>the</strong> importance of body alteration in shaping <strong>the</strong> identities<br />
and social connections of <strong>the</strong> largely middle class members of <strong>the</strong><br />
tattoo world on which she focused. Like sociologist Ka<strong>the</strong>rine<br />
Irwin (2001, 2003), DeMello emphasizes inequalities that she sees<br />
in <strong>the</strong> tattoo subculture, especially those based on gender and<br />
class.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1990s serious discussions of body modification often reflected<br />
<strong>the</strong> postmodern analytic and presentational conventions<br />
that had become popular in certain social scientific circles. These<br />
works tended to be obscurely worded, based on ra<strong>the</strong>r speculative<br />
“readings” of limited data, and employ an analytic frame<br />
premised on <strong>the</strong> central role played by social inequality. For example,<br />
Rosenblatt’s (1997) secondary analysis of Modern Primitives<br />
(Vale and Juno, 2005 [1989]) presents modern primitivism<br />
as a form of resistance to social and cultural structures that have