Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
Customizing the Body (PDF file) - Print My Tattoo
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161 Conclusion<br />
<strong>the</strong> artistic redefinition of those cultural materials. To <strong>the</strong> extent<br />
that a similar process of diffusion continues. gains momentum.<br />
and draws fur<strong>the</strong>r attention. <strong>the</strong> likelihood that tattooing will<br />
achieve some measure of legitimacy as an artistic phenomenon<br />
appears ra<strong>the</strong>r good (see DiMaggio. 1987: 447-448). Fur<strong>the</strong>r. as<br />
major tattooists continue to explore new forms of stylistic innovation-especially<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y incorporate styles that have flourished in<br />
<strong>the</strong> conventional art world (for example. primitivism, photorealism.<br />
abstraction. minimalism)-influential representatives of<br />
<strong>the</strong> art establishment can be expected to pay more sympa<strong>the</strong>tic<br />
attention. <strong>the</strong>reby increasing <strong>the</strong> prospect of redefinition and artistic<br />
legitimation (DiMaggio. 1987: 449, 452).<br />
The recent history of graffiti-as-art offers a particularly relevant<br />
example. In <strong>the</strong> 1970s graffiti made a minor incursion into <strong>the</strong><br />
established fine art world. Like tattOOing, graffiti is a mode of cultural<br />
production connected to marginal and disvalued social<br />
groups-principally poor. minority. urban males. Fur<strong>the</strong>r. it functions.<br />
like tattOOing, as a "disenfranchised gesture" symboliZing<br />
territorial boundaries. group membership, personal identity, and<br />
protest against <strong>the</strong> control exercised by <strong>the</strong> social establishment<br />
(Klofas and Cutshall, 1985; Castleman. 1982: 26-31; Pearlstein.<br />
1978). Largely through <strong>the</strong> efforts of sympa<strong>the</strong>tic academics, graffiti<br />
"writers" in New York were brought toge<strong>the</strong>r to form organizations<br />
such as <strong>the</strong> United Graffiti Artists (UGA) and <strong>the</strong> Nation<br />
of Graffiti Artists (NOGA) (Castleman, 1982: 117-133). In turn.<br />
<strong>the</strong>se academically connected sponsors used <strong>the</strong>ir establishment<br />
associations to move <strong>the</strong> work of organization members off <strong>the</strong><br />
streets and into legitimating academic. marketing. and display<br />
settings. 8<br />
Drawn by <strong>the</strong> nascent artistic legitimation of graffiti, <strong>the</strong> media.<br />
which preViously had strongly condemned <strong>the</strong> practice as criminal<br />
vandalism. began to praise graffiti for its Vitality and<br />
exuberance. 9 Although intense social control activities by governmental<br />
organizations effectively truncated <strong>the</strong> creative work done<br />
by <strong>the</strong> original artists in <strong>the</strong> original public environments (see<br />
Castleman. 1982: 134-175), established artists enthusiastically<br />
coopted <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>mes and stylistic features of graffiti. In <strong>the</strong> late<br />
1970s curator Rolando Castellon mounted an exhibit entitled