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The Masses Vol. 5, No. 2 (November 1913) - Brown University Library

The Masses Vol. 5, No. 2 (November 1913) - Brown University Library

The Masses Vol. 5, No. 2 (November 1913) - Brown University Library

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20THE WORLD-WIDE BATTLE LINEWilliam English Walling<strong>The</strong> birth-strike AgainCLARA ZETKIN, editor of the German party'spaper for women Die Gleichheit, has now madeit clear that she does not oppose the restriction ofbirths when it is done on private grounds, but onlywhen it is done for alleged public reasons—such aslimiting the supply of future soldiers or workingmen.Kautsky, however, attributes even these privategrounds to poverty and other capitalistic conditions,thus implying that there will be little if any restrictionof births under Socialism.Kautsky also argues that if the restriction of birthsgoes very far it will even harm Socialism rather thanhelp it. <strong>The</strong> quality of mothers and children might beimproved, but to Socialism (according to Kautsky) thequantity of workers is more important than quality:"An improvement of quality at the expense of quantitywould be more harmful than the contrary tendency."Kautsky's fear is lest "backward groups of workerstake the place of the superior." Examples would doubtlessbe if the children of the Poles or Chinese tookthe places that might have been filled by the childrenof Germans or Americans. This is also the view ofRoosevelt, of Sidney Webb, and of many AmericanSocialists.South American Socialistsvs. <strong>The</strong> United StatesTHE Socialist party and labor unions of this coun¬try, while opposing intervention in Mexico—along with Mr. Bryan, and millions of other citizens—have done little to prevent war, and almost nothing tohelp the struggling peons.It is not surprising then, that the leaders of the newmovement of the Argentine Socialist to call a SouthAmerican Socialist congress, chiefly to protect SouthAmerican countries from the United States, say nothingabout inviting our Socialists.<strong>The</strong> German Party Mack mePrimarily ParliamentaryTHE German Socialist party, in voting down theresolution of Rosa Luxemburg by nearly three toone, shows that its work is primarily, though not exclusively,,centered on the floor of the Reichstag. <strong>The</strong>resolution read:"In order to keep awake militant energy and idealismamong the organized, and to carry along the unorganizedin critical moments and win them permanentlyfor the political and labor union organizations, ourtactics must consciously put the center of the strugglein the action of the masses."It is encouraging to know that in spite of the partymachine, nearly 30 per cent. of the delegates at therecent congress supported this resolution. It mightserve as a rallying cry for the revolutionary Socialistsand labor unionists of all the world.Progressing BackwardIF wages advanced faster than prices—and sufficientlyfaster to diminish the sum total of profits—we wouldbe on the road to Socialism. If the contrary happenswe are going away from Socialism.Using this test, the New Age in an open letter tothe recent British Trade Union Congress, shows thatthe British workers are still progressing backwards.<strong>The</strong> letter quotes official statistics for the very districtsfrom which the Labor party leaders come, proving anincrease of wages from 1905 to 1912 of from 2 to 5 1/2per cent.—a mere fraction of the increased cost ofliving. <strong>The</strong> letter—which has attracted considerableattention—continues :"Whilst Mr. Philip Snow den has been busy pamphleteeringand lecturing on woman's suffrage or nationalfinance, the cost of living in his own constituencyhas advanced 16 per cent. Whilst Mr. MacDonald hasbeen on a royal commission in India, the cost of livingin Leicester has advanced 13 per cent. Whilst Mr.Keir Hardie has been gallivanting over Europe andAmerica, talking old-fashioned and extremely ignorantState Socialism, his Merthyr constituents have been'had' by an increased 11 per cent."imperfections and deficiencies, put an end to a decadeof weakness and cowardice in the party."<strong>The</strong> second Milan strike, though disapproved by theFederation of Labor, was finally participated in bypractically the whole labor union movement of Milanand several other cities. Rome and Milan, as theNeue Zeit correspondent remarks, loyally followed thesyndicalist leadership. <strong>The</strong> left wing of the partyalso, we are informed, "sees in the syndicalists menwho are often Comrades, who are only separated fromthe party by an excess of revolutionary idealism."Avanti declared that "the sympathetic general strike,from the Socialist standpoint, is the noblest and deepestexpression of the developed and emancipated consciousnessof the working class."At one stage of the strike Avanti was neutral betweenthe Confederation and the Syndicalists, but eventhen it announced itself ready actively to participateif the general strike should come to take on "an outrightrevolutionary and political character"—thus recognizingthe revolutionary as being necessarily political inthe larger sense.THEImperialistic Socialismattitude of the organs of British middle classSocialism towards foreign affairs is distinctly imperialistic.<strong>The</strong> New Age—syndicalistic in trend—endorsedRoosevelt's praise of the British despotism inEgypt, and "Veritas," its foreign editor, continues inthis strain from week to week. <strong>No</strong>w the organ ofSydney Webb, Bernard Shaw and State Socialism takesthe side of Huerta in Mexico against President Wilson.Of Huerta the New Statesman says :"While he is in charge of affairs all hints of interventionfrom the United States have an air of unwarrantedprovocation. Beyond the burning of a fewhaciendas in the south and the closing down of acouple of mines in the north, there has been little interferencewith commerce or foreign capital."Huerta is a "capable" and "honest" old soldier,Carranza a mere brigand, while Wilson's fight for constitutionalgovernment is "dollar diplomacy."THE official weekly of the German party prints thefollowing description of the party machine, by awell-known Berlin Socialist :"<strong>The</strong> official machine not only administers, it governs.It reaches decisions over the heads of themasses, and for the masses. It more and more cutsthe masses out, as if its motto were: I am the organization.. . ."<strong>The</strong> interests of the masses require perpetual innovation.<strong>The</strong> interests of the bureaucracy requirestagnation, stable, self-dependent 'order.' ..."<strong>The</strong> writer demands as a remedy for this undemocraticform of organization, the use of the referendum,as in this and other countries.<strong>The</strong>General Strike in ItalyHE following comments of Mussolini, editor of theAvanti, are interesting:"Through its colonial venture (Tripoli) Italy hascome into a revolutionary situation. If the Socialistparty does not wish to commit suicide it must boldlyface this new and disturbing situation. <strong>The</strong> Socialistsof all Italy saw this when they assented enthusiasticallyto the Milan movement, which in spite of unavoidablePolitics Makes Strange BedfellowsWE find the following in the "Official National Bul¬letin of the Socialist Party" :"We serve notice on the petty officials of West Virginiathat the national organization of the Socialistparty will protect its representatives. Let them alsoremember that we are working with the Governor ofWest Virginia to maintain the right of free speech andfree assemblage."<strong>The</strong> Governor referred to is Hatfield, who broke upthe Socialist presses, held their editors in jail withouttrial, and has refused all indemnity for this criminaloutrage.

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