<strong>The</strong> <strong>Souls</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Black</strong> <strong>Folk</strong>slavery seemed hopelessly fastened on the South, and the slaves thoroughlycowed into submission. <strong>The</strong> free Negroes <strong>of</strong> the North, inspiredby the mulatto immigrants from the West Indies, began tochange the basis <strong>of</strong> their demands; they recognized the slavery <strong>of</strong>slaves, but insisted that they themselves were freemen, and soughtassimilation and amalgamation with the nation on the same termswith other men. Thus, Forten and Purvis <strong>of</strong> Philadelphia, Shad <strong>of</strong>Wilmington, Du Bois <strong>of</strong> New Haven, Barbadoes <strong>of</strong> Boston, andothers, strove singly and together as men, they said, not as slaves; as“people <strong>of</strong> color,” not as “Negroes.” <strong>The</strong> trend <strong>of</strong> the times, however,refused them recognition save in individual and exceptionalcases, considered them as one with all the despised blacks, and theysoon found themselves striving to keep even the rights they formerlyhad <strong>of</strong> voting and working and moving as freemen. Schemes<strong>of</strong> migration and colonization arose among them; but these theyrefused to entertain, and they eventually turned to the Abolitionmovement as a final refuge.Here, led by Remond, Nell, Wells-Brown, and Douglass, a newperiod <strong>of</strong> self-assertion and self-development dawned. To be sure,ultimate freedom and assimilation was the ideal before the leaders,but the assertion <strong>of</strong> the manhood rights <strong>of</strong> the Negro by himselfwas the main reliance, and John Brown’s raid was the extreme <strong>of</strong> itslogic. After the war and emancipation, the great form <strong>of</strong> FrederickDouglass, the greatest <strong>of</strong> American Negro leaders, still led the host.Self-assertion, especially in political lines, was the main programme,and behind Douglass came Elliot, Bruce, and Langston, and theReconstruction politicians, and, less conspicuous but <strong>of</strong> greater socialsignificance, Alexander Crummell and Bishop Daniel Payne.<strong>The</strong>n came the Revolution <strong>of</strong> 1876, the suppression <strong>of</strong> the Negrovotes, the changing and shifting <strong>of</strong> ideals, and the seeking <strong>of</strong> newlights in the great night. Douglass, in his old age, still bravely stoodfor the ideals <strong>of</strong> his early manhood, —ultimate assimilation throughself-assertion, and on no other terms. For a time Price arose as anew leader, destined, it seemed, not to give up, but to restate theold ideals in a form less repugnant to the white South. But he passedaway in his prime. <strong>The</strong>n came the new leader. Nearly all the formerones had become leaders by the silent suffrage <strong>of</strong> their fellows, had40
W. E. B. Du Boissought to lead their own people alone, and were usually, saveDouglass, little known outside their race. But Booker T. Washingtonarose as essentially the leader not <strong>of</strong> one race but <strong>of</strong> two,—acompromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro. Naturallythe Negroes resented, at first bitterly, signs <strong>of</strong> compromise whichsurrendered their civil and political rights, even though this was tobe exchanged for larger chances <strong>of</strong> economic development. <strong>The</strong>rich and dominating North, however, was not only weary <strong>of</strong> therace problem, but was investing largely in Southern enterprises, andwelcomed any method <strong>of</strong> peaceful cooperation. Thus, by nationalopinion, the Negroes began to recognize Mr. Washington’s leadership;and the voice <strong>of</strong> criticism was hushed.Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude <strong>of</strong>adjustment and submission; but adjustment at such a peculiar timeas to make his programme unique. This is an age <strong>of</strong> unusual economicdevelopment, and Mr. Washington’s programme naturallytakes an economic cast, becoming a gospel <strong>of</strong> Work and Money tosuch an extent as apparently almost completely to overshadow thehigher aims <strong>of</strong> life. Moreover, this is an age when the more advancedraces are coming in closer contact with the less developedraces, and the race-feeling is therefore intensified; and Mr.Washington’s programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority<strong>of</strong> the Negro races. Again, in our own land, the reaction from thesentiment <strong>of</strong> war time has given impetus to race-prejudice againstNegroes, and Mr. Washington withdraws many <strong>of</strong> the high demands<strong>of</strong> Negroes as men and American citizens. In other periods <strong>of</strong> intensifiedprejudice all the Negro’s tendency to self-assertion has beencalled forth; at this period a policy <strong>of</strong> submission is advocated. Inthe history <strong>of</strong> nearly all other races and peoples the doctrine preachedat such crises has been that manly self-respect is worth more thanlands and houses, and that a people who voluntarily surrender suchrespect, or cease striving for it, are not worth civilizing.In answer to this, it has been claimed that the Negro can surviveonly through submission. Mr. Washington distinctly asks that blackpeople give up, at least for the present, three things,—First, political power,Second, insistence on civil rights,41
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